National University of the Northwest of the Province of Buenos Aires (UNNOBA). Public University of Argentina, created in 2002 as a modern educational institution aimed at guaranteeing equal opportunities and free access to higher education. With headquarters and Rectorate in Junín, it also has headquarters in Pergamino. Organized under the bipartite structural scheme of Schools and Departments.

History

It was created on December 16, 2002 by Decree of the National Executive Power No. 2,617, and its creation was ratified by Law No. 25,824 of November 19, 2003. It has its headquarters in the city of Junín, where the seat of its central authorities is located. and a headquarters in the city of Parchment. It is organized with a structure of Schools and Departments.

The concretion of the institutional and academic project of UNNOBA has as its antecedent the organization of two Regional University Centers, the Junín Regional University Center (CURJ), and the Pergamino Regional University Center (CRUP), which developed university higher education activities since 1990 and 1991 respectively.

In 2003 the organization stage began and in 2005 the dictation of its own academic offer. In 2007 the representatives to the University Assembly and the Superior Council were elected and on April 26 of that year the first Rector was elected by the University Assembly. At the end of 2008, the organization of the Schools began. The normalization of the same materialized during the month of October of the year 2010.

On March 11, 2011, the University Assembly elected Dr. Guillermo Tamarit as Rector for the period 2011/2015, which began on June 9, 2011.

Academic venues and structure

The university, whose academic headquarters are located in the cities of Junín and Pergamino, is organized under the bipartite structural scheme of Schools and Departments. The Schools of Agricultural, Natural and Environmental Sciences, Social and Human Sciences, Economic and Legal Sciences and Technology; They are the teaching units where the different careers of the university are taught. Teaching, which includes the dictation of undergraduate and technical courses, constitutes the academic offer of a national, public and free university conceived with a strong regional anchor.

Junin Headquarters

UNNOBA has its headquarters in the city of Junín. The Rectorate is located there and the main authorities have their seat. 80% of the activities are carried out in that city, where the center of the educational project is located. In 2014, 2 out of 3 UNNOBA students chose to study in Junín.

In part of its infrastructure, the activities of the Junín Regional University Center (CURJ) were developed. Other buildings and properties were added and built later.

Parchment Headquarters

The UNNOBA headquarters in the city of Pergamino has an infrastructure made up in part of buildings and surfaces where activities of the Pergamino Regional University Center (CRUP) were carried out. Other buildings and properties were added later. In 2014, 35% of students chose to study at this venue.

Research

The Research Area integrates, together with the Academic Area, the main hierarchical structure on which the operating structure of UNNOBA is developed, regarding the production of knowledge, widening and transcending institutional borders. Both areas have different rates of development, requiring much longer times to form and consolidate groups and lines of research.

National Institute of Agricultural Technology

On April 30, 2009, UNNOBA signed an agreement with the National Institute of Agricultural Technology (INTA) for the creation of the Integrated Unit, an initiative that will enable the creation of a scientific-technological complex aimed at strengthening agricultural production and contributing to development. regional.

The School of Agrarian, Natural and Environmental Sciences will be held at the Pergamino Agricultural Experimental Station belonging to INTA’s Buenos Aires Regional Center, and in the academic area of ​​UNNOBA’s Pergamino headquarters, located 4.5 km from EEA Pergamino.

National Institute of Human Viral Diseases=

Agreement with the National Institute of Human Viral Diseases “Dr. Julio I. Maiztegui” (INEVH) of Pergamino. It is one of the centers in the network of the National Administration of Laboratories and Health Institutes, dependent on the Ministry of Health of Argentina. It had a historic role in the study of Argentine hemorrhagic fever during the 1960s and 1970s, and its work on hantavirus, dengue, yellow fever and other arboviruses has positioned it as a national and regional center of reference in laboratory diagnosis in these illnesses.

Higher Experimental Institute of Food Technology

Research agreements with the Experimental Higher Institute of Food Technology (ISETA) of July 9, the Abraham Piñeyro Interzonal Hospital in Junín, the San José de Pergamino Interzonal Hospital, the Faculty of Agronomy of the University of Buenos Aires, the Research Commission (CIC) and the Center for Research in Basic and Applied Genetics (CIGEBA) of the National University of La Plata.

International relations

The institution has an International Relations Service that reports to the Directorate of Institutional University Relations, which promotes links and cooperation with universities, research centers and international organizations dedicated to higher education, teaching, research, the promotion of culture and other activities related to university extension.

Demography and economic geography. – State of South America. The population is growing at a reduced rate (0.9% per year) compared to the past and less than the Latin American average: 40,117,096 residents at the 2010 census, 41,803,125 residents according to an estimate by UNDESA (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs) of 2014. Life expectancy at birth is increasing, especially in the poorer social classes, and the number of young people under 15 is decreasing, while that between 15 and 24 years, an important reservoir of workforce, is expanding. The urbanization rate is among the highest in the world and around the capital Buenos Aires live a third of Argentines. The population, made up of the descendants of the great transoceanic migrations, is almost entirely of European origin, in particular Spanish and Italian. The indigenous minorities concentrated in the northern provinces and the growing number of immigrants from the more economically disadvantaged neighboring countries are exceptions.

Economic conditions. – According to educationvv.com, the economic-financial crisis, which had hit the Argentina starting from 2001, it had started a heavy phase of recession which was overcome thanks to the expansionary policies of the government. However, after almost a decade of positive trend (with growth rates above 8-9%), the trend of the economy has suffered a new sharp slowdown, recording low growth, poor competitiveness on international markets, overvaluation of the currency with consequent imbalances on the trade balance. Also in February 2013 the IMF (International Monetary Fund) censored the country on charges of altering GDP and inflation statistics. In 2013, the GDP experienced an increase of 2.9% (while for 2014 a contraction of 1.7% was estimated), inflation remained stable around 25%, domestic consumption recorded an increase by 4% and public spending by 7.4%. However, these advances would not compensate for the deterioration of the accounts: imports increased by 1.6%, exports contracted by 5.3%. The foreign debt also weighs heavily, with an exorbitant annual service (interest and repayment of the debt due), while to feed industry and consumption the Argentina would need foreign capital. Added to this is the fact that at the end of July 2014 the Argentina has run into a new default, a bankruptcy, however, not comparable to that of 2001 (see below: Economic and financial policy).

The most dynamic productive sectors remain agriculture (+ 10.6% in 2013) and fishing (+ 22.8%), followed by a diversified industrial sector that alternates positive periods with periods of crisis and an energy sector that suffers the trend of economic policy, subject to frequent and unpredictable variations. In this regard, the succession of privatizations and nationalizations involving the oil company Repsol YPF, ‘renationalized’ in May 2012. The recent discovery of important shale gasand shale oil fields could push new investments in the sector, also useful for revive the national economy.

Economic and financial policy. – After the serious crisis that hit the Argentina in the early years of the 21st century, successive governments implemented an active economic policy aimed at promoting economic development while respecting social equity. In particular, the Argentine authorities have pursued the primary budget surplus and the gradual reduction of public debt ensuring financial sustainability with the development of an adequate repayment capacity.

Evolution of the main economic aggregates

Fiscal policy was characterized by an increase in the tax burden, accompanied by more effective action to combat tax evasion and avoidance, and by the adoption of a more equitable tax system. Reductions in tax rates have been guaranteed to businesses in order to encourage employment and the emergence of non-regularized work, and other tax incentives have promoted investments in capital goods. To support social inclusion by protecting consumers’ purchasing power, the government has supported the increase in the minimum wage and pensions, lowered the prices of primary consumer goods and provided subsidies for public transport and household energy consumption.

In the field of trade policy, the authorities have introduced restrictions on foreign trade by imposing strict controls and non-tariff barriers to imports, in order to protect national strategic sectors, while exporters have been able to benefit from financing and subsidies. In the foreign exchange market, the government has curbed the use of foreign exchange reserves by residents by limiting their use in domestic commercial transactions. Important structural reforms were adopted in 2012 to contain the effects of the global financial crisis and support the internal market, including the nationalization of the oil company Repsol YPF. The reform of the central bank has made it possible to expand the instruments available to guarantee financial stability, employment and economic development. Additional measures have been taken in order to stimulate financial inclusion and facilitate access to bank credit. During this period, an expansionary monetary policy was carried out aimed mainly at buying foreign currency to increase the reserves necessary to manage the volatility of the peso, and in part to finance the public sector, thus fueling the inflationary spiral. In January 2014, to cope with the fall in foreign reserves and persistent tensions on the foreign exchange market, the Argentine peso was devalued, and the government launched a range of new economic policy actions: monetary policy was tightened with the increase in the interest rate and the access of Argentine savers to the foreign exchange market was made easier.

According to anycountyprivateschools.com, the territory within which the Argentine Republic is now included was originally inhabited by indigenous races who had no written literature, but whose languages, traditions and songs are known to us as part of folklore, or in the form of news in the first colonial chronicles, following the reconstructions of modern art and science.

During the sec. XVI the Spanish captains, priests, magistrates and artisans, who discovered, explored and colonized the Argentine territory, transplanted the Castilian language, the writing and the foundations of European culture, which developed in Spain from the Renaissance onwards.

The Spanish colonization thus also created in Argentina a Greek-Latin and Christian society, with many medieval residues and theocratic norms: however, when Argentina managed to emancipate itself (1810): like the other American peoples, it renewed its social conscience and politics under the influence of French encyclopedism and British liberalism; he only kept the Spanish language as an expressive sign of his nationality and his literature.

Finally, the Argentine Republic was established in 1853, the country opened up to European immigration, and at the same time the national culture was also open to all cosmopolitan influences, while maintaining its own national characteristic.

Chronologically, in Argentine literature we can therefore distinguish the following periods: 1. of indigenous prehistory with songs and oral narratives in Quechúa, Guarani or Araucano, which persist in popular tradition, or were collected after the 16th century by the colonizers and, in more recent age, by Argentine scholars; 2. of the Spanish colonization which includes three centuries, from 1535, the date of the foundation of Buenos Aires, up to 1810, the date of the fall of the viceroys, a period that presents a more historical than literary interest, because it is mostly written they refer to local events, now in the form of a prose chronicle, now in the form of historical works in verse; 3. of national emancipation, which embraces almost the entire nineteenth century and the present up to the present day, and is the only one in which the production expresses the ideals of the country in formation and describes its landscapes, its types, its customs, in all genres proper to modern European literatures, and with its own ever growing originality: indeed, even for the whole century. XIX, literature almost always remained at the service of political events, and it is necessary to reach the contemporary era after 1880 to recognize a real literature, inspired only by aesthetic ideals, and complete in all its multiplicity of forms.

Since chronology, which correlates political and literary history, is not enough to fully explain Argentine literature, a system of aesthetic dependencies on European culture has been resorted to. Under this system one should speak of classicism, romanticism, naturalism, modernism, symbolism, etc., as if Argentine intellectual production were a simple phenomenon of intercontinental imitation. Argentine classicism would in fact be represented by authors of the colonial era, who studied Latin in university classrooms, and imitated ancient models, often through other European imitators: such as, in the seventeenth century, Luís De Tejeda (1604-1681), author of El peregrino en Babilonia, of Soledades and other poems, and imitator of Góngora; in the sec. XVIII, Manuel Labardén, who wrote the Siripo, a pseudoclassical drama for the theater ; and finally, in the early 19th century, during the emancipation, Juan Cruz Varela, who composed songs imitated by Horace and Virgil, and tragedies such as Dido and Argía, imitated by Quintana and Alfieri. In reality, that there has been a classic filiation since the colonial era, it is undeniable; and it is easier to detect the analogous romantic filiation, which begins with Esteban Echeverría (1804-1851). Echeverría, a poet born in Buenos Aires, was a self-taught who completed his studies in Paris; took advantage of the teachings of Cousin and Hugo, and, returning to his homeland, began a romantic movement in 1837, which at one time invested political ideas (Socialist dogma), literary theories (Forma y fondo en las obras de imaginación), and poetic creation (La Cautiva and other poems), having repercussions in the novel, in the theater, in criticism, etc., and persisted throughout the century. XIX. Finally, at the end of this century Rubén Darío, the great poet of Spanish America, born in Nicaragua and settled in Argentina, published his books Prosas profanas (poems) and Los raros in Buenos Aires.(criticism), starting a new literary period under the suggestion of French symbolism and, in general, of cosmopolitan symbolism. There were not even a few imitators of Zola or naive realists in the novel and drama. However, these cases and examples are not enough to explain Argentine literature. The terms of pseudoclassicism, romanticism, symbolism applied to Argentine literature are only false labels, from which what is most profound and genuine in national thought escapes.

Like all other literatures, Argentine literature cannot be studied other than in terms of national consciousness, that is, as an ever clearer expression of a national culture and sensibility. The Argentines are indeed children of Europe, but with their own nature and environment and destiny; and nothing better than literature, in its particular tendencies, and in its evolution, documents this autonomy of the new historical character that they are. Already before the century. XVI we find in fact the traces of an indigenous tradition. After the 1500s it mixes with the Spanish popular tradition imported by the colonizers, and the Argentine folklore is born, very rich and varied, with an unmistakable local color. And the same tradition is still the one that dominates the century. XIX, and, Cautiva of Echeverría, the Facundo of Sarmiento, the Martín Fierro of Hernández, the Santos Vega of Obligado, the War Gaucha of Lugones, the Montaraz of Leguizamón, the Mis montañas of González, the Zogoibi of Larreta, the Voz del desierto of Talero, the Pais de la Selva di Rojas, the Secundo Sombra by Güiraldes: typically Argentine books, inseparable from the conscience of the country in which they were born, and therefore dear to the people, who, reading them, recognize themselves in them. This assimilating, transforming, creative autonomy of literature is none other than the very life of the nation in its evolution, from the first moment of its historical origin to the highest and most complex forms of the modern state.

According to andyeducation.com, the original populations were, at the time of colonization, in a cultural condition corresponding to the European Neolithic, except for the Diaghiti, sedentary farmers of the North-West, bearers of a civilization similar to that of ancient Peru. The Diaghiti, like the hunters of the Pampas and southern Chaco who adopted the use of the horse (Puelche, Querandí, Mocoví, Abipón), are now extinct, and so are the Araucanians (descended in the 18th century from the Andes to the province of Buenos Aires), as a result of harsh military campaigns during the second half of the 19th century. There are very few residues of Guaraní societies, between Paraná and Uruguay, and of Patagonian and Fuegine societies of the southern territories: in the wooded plains of central and northern Chaco the remains of indigenous societies are more numerous (Mataco, Toba, Pilagá etc.), which retain some original forms of the Chaco culture, with economic prevalence of hunting and fishing, temporary huts, tents and leather cloaks, etc.

In the pre-colonial era the Argentina it had a poor population, because it was unable to exploit the agricultural potential of the territory. Not even the Europeans, at first, showed particular interest in this area, difficult to penetrate (except along the Paraná route) and lacking in mineral wealth. Despite the creation of some strongholds (Santiago del Estero, San Miguel de Tucumán, Córdoba, San Juan, San Luis, still among the major cities of the interior) and the dual foundation of Buenos Aires already in the 16th century., the population of the Argentina it practically only began in the second half of the 19th century, when the industrial revolution created in Europe an ever greater need for food supplies from outside. Accompanied by the progressive extension of the railway network, the colonization of the country attracted immigrants and the residents, who at the beginning of the nineteenth century barely exceeded 300,000 units and at the first official census (1869) were far from 2 million, reaching 8 million in 1914, to arrive at 16 million in 1947 and 40.1 million in the 2010 census.

The most consistent migratory flows came from Italy, which in the period 1857-1929 sent almost 3 million people to Argentina, but considerable Spanish, French, German, Polish, Russian, Arab communities were also formed, while smaller groups came from all over the world. The immigration trend was not constant, both for internal crises and for international contingencies, including the restrictive measures adopted by some of the states towards emigration: thus, in the years 1890-1903 repatriation even exceeded new arrivals, due to the difficult time the primary sector went through, but immediately afterwards (1904-13) an average of 240,000 immigrants per year was reached, which rose to 300,000 in the decade 1921-30. After World War II, the influx from abroad dropped sharply. The result was a rate of demographic increase (1% average per year in the 1998-2003 period) among the lowest in all American countries, with a birth rate of 17.5 ‰ and a death rate of 7.6 ‰; the natural dynamic is now almost entirely responsible for the increase in population and the incidence of migratory movements is almost nil.

The average life expectancy is slightly lower than that of the most advanced countries, having exceeded 75 years (72 for men and 79 for women). The fact that the colonization of the country followed the fan-like expansion of the communication routes, starting from the ‘fulcrum’ of the Río de la Plata, explains the distributional structure of the Argentine population which, compared to an average density of 14.4 residents/km ², is strongly concentrated in the hinterland of Buenos Aires (where Rosario, Santa Fe and Córdoba have grown enormously) and around some urban nuclei of the north-western regions. The urban population is very large (over 90% in 2003). The gigantism of the federal capital stands out in the urban structure, welcoming in its vast urban agglomeration 12 million residents (in 2007), almost 1/3 of the population of the entire country; but a slow rebalancing is taking place, also as a result of a process of demographic deconcentration hoped for and in part encouraged by the municipal authorities of Bonaire; for the same reasons, the (unrealized) transfer of the federal capital was even planned. However, the asymmetry of the urban network as a whole is evident, very weak in the less inhabited northern and southern areas and in large parts of the Pampa; the Patagonian expanses are almost totally devoid of population (1 residents/km ²), although equipped with huge resources, for the exploitation of which artificial centers have been built, with typical pioneering characteristics. The Catholic religion is dominant.

Population

According to act-test-centers.com, the population of the Argentina it is increasing at rates below the average for Latin American countries; the residents are just over 36.1 million (1998) and have an irregular distribution, so that areas with a very high settlement concentration are counterpointed by almost deserted regions. The most densely packed region is centered on the capital, which with its metropolitan area, the so-called Greater Buenos Aires, hosts almost a third of the total population. On the other hand, there are areas with low or very low population density such as the western Pampa, a large part of Chaco, the Andean regions and Patagonia. Almost 90% of Argentines live in cities and in recent times there has been a change in internal migrations, which are gradually affecting the gigantism of the capital, but not that of its enormous gravitational area.

In fact, the attractiveness of the historic area of ​​Buenos Aires appears to be less and less, and indeed a process of demographic deconcentration is underway, as many leave the capital to settle in the peripheral areas of the metropolitan area. Public authorities tend to encourage this phenomenon through forms of relocation of production activities and through the strengthening of the communications system. However, the dominance of Buenos Aires heavily influenced the urban armor, as it limited the formation of other metropolises, so that only two other cities exceed one million residents. (Córdoba, in the preandina belt, a commercial and industrial center, and Rosario, an important port and seat of processing industries). Notable cities are also Mendoza, La Plata and San Miguel de Tucumán.

Economic conditions

Argentina is a rather advanced country, despite the fact that strong social and territorial imbalances remain within it and despite the framework of economic indicators present a rather heterogeneous situation; there. it is, among the South American countries, the one which, in recent years, has established the most intense and close relations with the European Union.

At the end of the Eighties the economic situation went through a serious moment of precariousness, with a scenario characterized by a high rate of inflation, a contraction of the GDP, heavy indebtedness with foreign countries; as a result, there have been capital flight abroad, collapse of foreign investment and a sharp decline in per capita income. The advent of President CS Menem marked the start of a phase of economic restructuring, through the implementation of a reformist policy, in an attempt to give the country political stability and economic development. In a few years the industries and state services have been dismantled; massive privatizations of state-owned companies (telephone, gas, rail, air and oil) have been launched; a liberal path was pursued, with openings to the market and the removal of customs barriers to push industrial entrepreneurs to modernize and rationalize themselves in comparison with foreign countries; in addition, the peso was reintroduced, a revalued currency equal to the US dollar, and a strict policy was launched to combat inflation.between 1991 and 1997 it almost tripled.

However, the economic recovery plan was not without its drawbacks and required high social costs. The transformation has mainly affected the middle class: even though the inflation rate is now under control, and labor productivity has significantly increased, real wages have not grown as much, remaining substantially stable. In fact, there has been an increase in the unemployment rate, as have social inequalities. The tightening is very evident in the urban context, where the distance between the poor, who live in the villas miserias, appears ever greater., and the wealthy classes, who live in luxurious residential neighborhoods. Similarly, the economic, social and labor policy of the early 1990s penalized the weakest and most peripheral regions, favoring the strongest and most central ones, except for limited urban areas and industrial development: so that the gap between the the Andean region, the Chaco and the western Pampa, compared to the Pampa húmeda, seat of a rational, technologically advanced agriculture, and Patagonia, the frontier of oil where some new refining plants were born.

The primary sector still plays an important role in the Argentine economy, and agricultural and mineral resources are key in exports. The country excels in cereal production (wheat and corn), which has been encouraged in recent years, above all to meet the growing demand of farmers who use it as fodder; oil plants are also growing strongly, in particular soybeans, of which Argentina it is one of the largest producers in the world; the zootechnical sector continues to be of great importance, with production of beef and wool. Among the mineral resources, natural gas, oil and uranium stand out, flanked by metal ores (iron, lead, zinc, silver and manganese); in the energy field, major developments have taken place in hydroelectric production, considering that a large part of the energy currently arrives from the power stations located on the Paraná and Uruguay rivers. The industrial apparatus is rather diversified, with a prevalence of the petrochemical, steel and metallurgical sectors. Even today, the main national industries are concentrated in the Buenos Aires metropolitan region. (V. fig.).

Between 1990 and 1997 some infrastructures and energy and mining exploitation projects of particular importance were undertaken, and the economic-territorial program 1995 – 99provides for a further extension. In particular, the national development plan emphasizes both the improvement and expansion of urban and suburban aqueducts and the construction of plants for the conveyance and treatment of waste water in all the main metropolitan areas and in the peripheral regions of Chubut (Comodoro Rivadavia), Santa Cruz and the extreme North-East region (Misiones). Significant works are also underway for the sewerage system. The urban suburbs of Greater Buenos Aires are interested in the water and sewage project, which attempts to cope with sometimes very precarious conditions. For electricity, the expansion or construction of 6 large water plants, 9 thermal power plants and a new nuclear power plant (Atuchaii), which is added to the two already existing, and the restructuring of power lines between the Andes, the Río de la Plata estuary (and Buenos Aires) and the Paraná-Uruguay river system. Oil exploration is promising, both in the now traditional submarine area of ​​the South Atlantic, and in the Chaco, Chubut and extreme southern Patagonia, as well as in the Mendoza region where there are already productive oil fields. About one third of the territorial surface and a large part of the marine waters off the coasts (including those included in the ‘Exclusive economic zone’) are ‘offered’ by Argentina to multinational oil companies for prospecting and exploitation agreements. Natural gas production (34,in 1996) is increasing and for 2000 the expansion of the gas pipeline network is expected, which in 1996 was just under 4000 km. The gas extraction areas coincide with those of oil extraction.

The 1995 – 99 development planit also contemplates the restructuring of the central road network, between Buenos Aires, Córdoba, Mendoza, the edge of the Pampa and the Chaco (towards Resistencia and Corrientes). The metropolitan railway network, substantially in Greater Buenos Aires and for La Plata, Lobos, Mercedes, Zarate and Altamirano (extreme centers of the network around the federal capital) is being developed. The port facilities of La Plata, Buenos Aires, the Concepción river port on Uruguay and, further south, Puerto Madryn and Puerto Deseado will be further strengthened. The other major airports, in addition to those in large cities or close to Buenos Aires, are also interested in an expansion plan: for example, Comodoro Rivadavia in the south and Resistencia and Orán in the north. In the end,

Tourism has a certain importance, considering the extraordinary environmental and landscape heritage of which the Argentina disposes. The number of visitors is growing (4, 3 million tourists in 1996), thanks to the development of equipment and communications, which allow you to stay even in areas that were isolated time but exceptionally interesting for landscapes and sports opportunities and ‘adventure’ hiking, such as Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego, some Andean areas, the subtropical river region of Chaco, the upper Paraná, the ‘Argentine Mesopotamia’ (between Paraná and Uruguay). In 1994, there were 115 national protected areas, extending out of 9. 395.400 ha (3, 4 % of the entire land area); there were two World Heritage Sites, five Biosphere Reserves out of 2. 409. 900 ha, and among the wetlands protected according to the Ramsar Convention there was one of 5240 ha.

As for trade, starting from 1995, the year in which MERCOSUR (Mercado Común del Sur) was established, founded together with Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay, the trade balance of the Argentina it has experienced a significant improvement, which however has already disappeared in the years immediately following. Thus, in 1997 the trade deficit was equal to 5.3 billion dollars, largely determined by the imports of plants, required by the strong growth of industrial production (+ 9%) and in particular of the mechanical sector. Most of Argentina’s exports are represented by oil and derivatives, followed by agricultural products (wheat and wheat flour, maize and linseed) and livestock (meat, wool and skins). In 1997 the main supplier countries were Brazil (22.4 % of total imports) and the United States (20 %), while the main export customers were the countries of Latin America (48.1 %)., Brazil (27.8 %) and the countries of the European Union (19.2 %).

The banking system, governed by the central bank (Banco Central), was restructured after the Mexican financial crisis of 1995. The main stock exchange is that of Buenos Aires, the total capitalization, equal to 0.2 % of the world total, places the country in twenty-ninth place in the world ranking. However, in more recent years the Argentine stock market has been affected by the effects of the Asian crisis, particularly sensitive up to 1997, accentuated by the difficulties of Brazil, an important trading partner, and linked above all to the decline in the price of raw materials on the international markets.

Argentina officially includes in its territory for unilateral declaration, two Southern appendages, ie the Islas del Atlántico Sur and Antártida Argentina (the latter extended to 964. 250 km ²), for a total, including Argentina own, of 3. 761. 274 km ². In reality, the sub-Antarctic and Antarctic areas are de facto British: thus the Falkland-Malvinas, Sub-Antarctic South Georgia, South Orkney and South Sandwich (also involved in the 1982 war)between Argentina and the United Kingdom, lost from the first). The claimed sector of Antarctica partly coincides with the British one. Argentina maintains some scientific bases in Antarctica for evident purposes of international geopolitical presence.

South American state. At the 2001 census the population was 36. 260. 130 residents, And 39. 538. 000 according to 2005 estimates. The natural growth rate, which remained among the lowest in Latin America, is around 1.0 % per year, for birth and death rates, respectively, of 16.9 ‰ and 7.5 ‰ (2000 -2005). Infant mortality is progressively decreasing (15 ‰ in 2000-2005), despite the serious impoverishment linked to the dramatic economic crisis of the early 21st century. (see below). The latter was responsible for the migratory flows which, at least temporarily, reversed the traditional character of immigration country held by the Argentina: these flows were directed mainly towards Israel, for the Jewish component of the population, and towards Spain and Italy, in the form of return emigration, involving above all the middle classes, in more serious difficulty in the face of the loss of jobs, and those with a better level of education and professional preparation (researchers, teachers, artists).

Again, the crisis halted that process of decentralization, albeit an embryonic one, which had affected the metropolitan core of Buenos Aires and which could have been a prelude to a strengthening of the peripheral urban framework: the consequences of the financial collapse, despite having unleashed the demonstrations in the capital. more violent and visible through the mass media, they had a harder impact on the peripheral provinces, especially in the North, but also in the Center, where the share of the population dropped below the poverty line exceeded 50 % everywhere, and in some zone reached 80%. Faced with this dramatic situation, the socio-environmental and ethnic issues that had always marked the development of the country temporarily lost their relevance; this, precisely at the moment in which, especially among the younger generations, the awareness of the dignity of indigenous groups – which were finally recognized the rights to land, health and education – was emerging, together with a renewed awareness of the difficult relationship between environment and development.

For this last aspect, the construction of large hydroelectric plants, the excessive exploitation of fish stocks and urban pollution have greatly impoverished the environmental quality. Biodiversity is now concentrated in the North-West, in the Andean region, between the national parks of Calilegua and El Rey, where there are five hundred species of plants and animals including 60 % of birds, but illegal hunting remains difficult to control. while the planned construction of a gas pipeline threatens the peculiar ecosystem of the yungas (tropical Andean valleys); and in Patagonia (v.) where about thirty protected areas feed growing flows of naturalistic tourism.

Economic conditions

According to toppharmacyschools.org, the crisis launched a very heavy phase of recession (see also below: economic and financial policy), which, indeed, had its roots in the complex political and social events of the second half of the previous century, both on a global and national scale. However, after a four-year period of depression and despite the fact that it remained a very fragile country, both in economic and political terms, in 2003 promising signs began to appear, the Argentine economy was restarting and GDP was registering a growth rate. equal to 8.8 %, among the highest in the world. It should also be remembered that this increase is calculated in relation to the 2002 result, When the decrease had reached its lowest level (- 10, 9 %). In 2003, GDP in real terms, corresponded to that of 1996 and was less of ‘ 11, 2 % compared to that of 1998, when the best economic results had been achieved. The positive trend continued in 2004, at a slightly slower pace. The closure of a large number of small and medium-sized companies, especially in the capital area, did not prevent strong support for the recovery from the industrial sector (+ 16 % in 2003), whose main sectors remained food, engineering and petrochemicals; while, as often happens after a financial crisis, the construction sector was once again highly dynamic (+ 38 %). The unemployment rate fell to 15 %, although it was necessary to consider that large sections of the active population, especially the middle classes, had to fall back on part-time jobs.

It also gave oxygen to the country, a strong exporter of agricultural products, also the general rise in prices on the international markets of some crops, enhancing emerging productions such as, for example, soy (32 million t in 2004), in addition to traditional ones, cereals and livestock. A significant share (8 %) of exports with a high technological content should be noted. Other macroeconomic indicators could be considered positive: a surplus of the budget amounted to 2, 5 % of GDP and a surplus in the balance of current payments equivalent to 7, 6 % of GDP, while inflation went down and 2004 became less than 5 %. In March of that same year, the country was thus able to repay the debt maturing with the International Monetary Fund (see), even if the government promised the repayment of only a share equal to 25 % of the total debts. accumulated (equal to approximately 95 billion dollars).

In order to ensure a definitive and lasting recovery for the country, the government still had numerous problems to solve, and in particular the energy one. In fact, a significant oil production (over 40 million tons per year) did not guarantee full energy self-sufficiency; on the contrary, the new increase in consumption, linked to the resumption of production activities, tended to increase the deficit. Manufacturing companies complained that energy prices were too low to support investments; on the other hand, limiting internal consumption would have risked jeopardizing the general economic recovery. For this reason, natural gas imports from Bolivia were used and exports to Chile were reduced, while further projects were launched to exploit the large hydroelectric potential, however with a significant environmental impact (see above). Among these, the Yacyretá power plant, on the Paraná river, designed together with Paraguay about thirty years earlier and considered an emblem of the corruption and managerial inability that had led the country adrift: its completion, for which large investments are still required, would bring Argentina’s energy production close to doubling. The river network is also involved in the development of the infrastructural system: the Paraná-Paraguay-Plata waterway project is worthy of note, however, opposed by the concern to offer advantages above all to exports from Brazil and Paraguay.

Before the crisis, significant tourist flows were directed by the Argentina towards neighboring countries (in particular Brazil, Paraguay and Chile), favored by the currency differential; subsequently the movement was reversed, as the prices of Argentine accommodation facilities became highly competitive. For tourism coming from the MERCOSUR area (Mercado Común del Sur) it was mainly short stays, while the Argentina it remained the destination of an intercontinental tourism recalled by the naturalistic and cultural values, as well as by the distant origins of most of the population: it represents a resource to be developed also towards the European continent, while so far the most consistent flows have been those coming from North America.

In the tertiary sector, the country was looking for new credibility, while the problem of regional economic gaps in the use of services remained: these gaps, even more after the crisis, tend to go beyond the classic center-periphery contrast, already particularly accentuated by the weight of the metropolis of Buenos Aires, to translate into a much more complex socio-spatial fragmentation. The widespread impoverishment generated a sort of parallel economy, essentially based on barter, which was exercised through a few thousand alternative shopping centers distributed irregularly throughout the country and which, if it subtracted resources from general taxation, nevertheless allowed the supply of essential goods to the classes. weaker in terms of income.

Censuses. – For reasons that are easily revealed even in a summary analysis of Argentine history in the century. XIX, statistical operations are lacking throughout the first half of the century: these are partial censuses or, if general, they reveal some shortcomings which can be explained if we consider the political and social state of the country. The need for a national census, at least for political purposes, was foreseen by the authors of the constitution, who in art. 39 establishes: “For the second legislature a general census will have to be made and the number of deputies determined according to its result; but this census can only be renewed every ten years”.

Nevertheless, the first national census was made in the year 1869 and it had to be in 1895 to make the second, which was followed only nineteen years later, in 1914, by the third, which, for the moment, is the last. The draft of a fourth census was recently presented to Congress for approval, but it did not become law. In spite of their scarce number, the lack of a regular rhythm and some defects, these censuses are precious documents of the Argentine demographic development, which in a few decades underwent a great transformation. There is no lack of calculations, partial statistics, urban censuses (Buenos Aires and Rosario have several) and provincial ones; in recent times there have been two (in 1912 and 1920) of the Territorios nacionales, which due to the extension they cover and the ever increasing importance of the regions, are of great use.

Population increase. – Despite periods of war and civil strife, local or universal economic crises, diseases, Argentina has become more and more populated; the pace has changed in several circumstances, there have been stops and rapid progress, but through momentary differences there is continued progress and true ascension. There are two notable causes: the vegetative increase and the rush of immigrants; more evident phenomenon in the second half of the century. XIX and notable even today for the growing internal order and for the extraordinary economic development.

According to mcat-test-centers.com, the cited censuses are the best documents of the phenomenon; by adding other older data, the following picture can be formed, published with the results of the third census:

Few countries can offer such a rapid demographic increase, both absolute and relative, and that speaks much in favor of Argentina’s capacity. The war had a huge impact on demographics as it dealt a serious blow to immigration for several years, but the country’s population made further progress, as shown by the calculation as of December 31, 1926 by the Dirección general de estadística: 10,348,189 residents, of which 9,856,617 in the provinces and 491,572 in the national territories.

From the northern border to the far south, the Argentine territory was inhabited when the Spaniards arrived; but, neither in number nor in culture, the Argentine natives could be compared with those of other parts of America. The differences in culture between one tribe and another were great and the population density was not even uniform between one region and another. The indigenous element was won by the white to whom he ceded almost all the lands; several tribes were dominated without too much difficulty; others, on the other hand, opposed a tenacious resistance that lasted until a few decades ago, but their number was always scarce and the wars fought contributed to reducing it more and more. The pure indigenous people are few in number and live almost lost in Patagonia, in the Chaco and in the Andean valleys of the NO. Those who came into contact with the Whites, those who were subdued in the first moment of the conquest or in the following centuries, almost all crossed paths with the whites, fully accepting their customs and ideas. The tribes that still have a more or less wild life live almost entirely in the territories of Chaco and Formosa, and are counted in 36,000 individuals. They tend to disappear from the diseases that reap them, or to merge with the rest of the population, as has happened in the rest of the country. Article 16 of the constitution says: “The Argentine nation does not admit prerogatives of blood or birth, in it there are no personal privileges, nor titles of nobility. All residents are equal before the law”.

In summary, Argentina is a country of absolute dominance of the white population, since the pure and mestizo indigenous constitutes only a small minority.

Another non-white demographic element is represented by the Negroes, who descend from slaves imported from Africa, during the colonial era, who were all emancipated in the first decades of independence. They lived particularly in the coastal zone, but they were never so numerous as in some other part of the continent; later, the lack of new and continuous immigrations and the influence of wars made it less important than its absolute importance and much more its relative importance, in the face of the grandiose increase of the white element. The censuses are silent as to their number, since, as has been said, they do not establish differences of race. The Negroes also gave rise to significant crossings.

In recent times another race has appeared, the Mongolian one; but so far the number of its representatives, who are found especially in large cities, is very limited. The 1914 census gives: 462 Chinese and 1,007 Japanese.

The Argentine population, practically all white, is of European origin, distant or immediate, since Asian or African whites constitute a tiny minority. Among the Europeans, the Latins predominate, particularly the Italians and the Spaniards.

In Argentina the population is very irregularly distributed and every census has made the phenomenon clear; although certain regions are populating with some rapidity and therefore become similar to others, the differences are too significant for them to disappear in the immediate future, and perhaps they will never disappear, such and many are the causes on which they depend.

Here are two statistical frameworks that allow us to compare the population and its increase in the provinces, grouped according to the most common classification:

As can be seen, the relative increase is not uniform, indeed there are very large differences; for example between Catamarca and Santa Fe. The increase in some provinces is so tenuous that the absolute and relative increase in the territory of La Pampa, which in 1869 was still occupied by the Indians, was greater.

According to liuxers.com, the population density is very low, as it does not yet reach four residents per square kilometer. Compared to the European one and particularly to the Italian one, there is a difference in the larger ones; it will still be a long time before the figures get closer.

Regarding the distribution of density, it is easy to see that highly populated areas can be contrasted with other uninhabited or almost uninhabited areas; here are some examples: the province of Buenos Aires (without counting the federal capital which, due to its proximity, could be included) has 9 residents per square kilometer, and so is Santa Fe; Tucumán occupies the first place, as its density surpasses 15; on the other hand, other provinces are more uninhabited; for example, Catamarca does not get to have 2 and La Rioja has a little less than 1. These two are not yet the least populated regions; it is easy to find lower indexes: in Tierra del Fuego, each resident corresponds to more than 8 km; one resident for 15 sq. km. in Santa Cruz, and in the territory of Los Andes there are more than 35 sq km per resident.

But if this procedure is almost correct for some areas; for others, the index is theoretical and gives an idea that does not correspond to the truth; in effect, as we have seen for the whole republic, there are too many differences between one part of a province or another for one to speak of uniform distribution. There are many causes of this diversity, for or against: very high mountains, rocky soil, sandy soils, salinas, marshy regions, scarce rainfall, fertile land, ease of communication, lack of historical development, etc. In the province of Mendoza, the irrigated areas and cultivated with vineyards and orchards are densely inhabited and centralize almost the entire population, while the rest of the province, despite its immensity, is practically uninhabited. In the territory of the Río Negro, the influence of the river of the same name is noted, which centers a high percentage of residents, and something similar happens on the railway line from San Antonio to Nahuel Huapí. Among the arid mountains of the northwest it is immediately observed that the greatest density (and sometimes the only notable population) corresponds to the bottom of the irrigated valleys or to the mines. But where the Argentine population is more numerous, from an absolute and relative point of view (we are talking about extensive regions and not limited places) it is in the Pampean area, and this is also the region of greater uniformity in distribution; fact due to climatic, topographical, economic and social causes. Nonetheless, several differences can be established: the land destined for cattle breeding has a lower density than the others, because this type of economic exploitation requires little labor; denser is the population of agricultural lands; but even in these, if agriculture is extensive (as is almost always the case), the index remains very low. Instead, in the intensively cultivated lands and in the industrial and commercial areas, where urban life marks one of the main characteristics, we have a great density, as along the Plata and the right bank of the Paraná up to the Salado. Therefore, a map of the density for provinces and territories would not even be approximate; a more exact study made by Delachaux; but, since his writing dates back to 1905, it is now antiquated and has an exclusively historical value; do not forget the rapidity of changes that the population of Argentina undergoes.

In 1810 – the year in which the small Euro-Argentine society, pro-European by race and mentality, inspired by the principles of the French Revolution, imported by its distinguished men such as Rodriguez Peña, Belgrano, Moreno, Alberdi, opposed the spirit of the Spanish conquerors, of which after the revolution he declared the dominion lapsed – the Argentine population consisted of 720,000 residents divided as follows, according to the approximate calculation of José Ingenieros: Mestizos 421,000; Indî 210,000; Mulattos 60,000; Negroes 20,000; European whites 6000; National whites 3000. The men of the revolution immediately took care to attract European emigration by radically modifying the Spanish colonial regime, opposed to foreigners. But the tiny minority of those who made the gaucha, whose collapse was marked by the battle of Caseros, in 1852, with the consequent fall of the tyranny of Rosas. In 1852, the Argentine population was made up of 800,000 men, divided as follows: Mestizos 553,000; Mulatties 110,000; Indî 100,000; Negroes 15,000; National whites 15,000; European whites 7000. These latest figures indicate that in that forty years, despite the efforts of a glorious minority, emigration did not proceed towards the Plata.

According to maternityetchic.com, in 1852 the constitution was signed, inspired by Alberdi’s famous motto: “In America, government is popular”. All attempts were made to attract emigrants and in the decade from 1857 – the year in which the compilation of statistics began in Argentina in 1867, 93,795 Europeans entered the country, of which only 10,000 Spaniards. In 1868 the presidency of Sarmiento began and immigration increased until it reached an average of 30,805 people per year, with a total, up to 1874, of 215,637 immigrants. Among these were the first Italian contingents, who occupied the first place, followed at a distance by the Spanish and French ones, and who gave life to the agricultural colonies, founded a few years earlier, of Santa Fe and Entre Ríos. In 1873 the first export of wheat from Argentina for a total of 5 tons. From 1875 to 1880 the average number of immigrants decreased to 21,752 per year, with a total, over the six years, of 130,513. This decrease was partly due to the unfavorable internal economic and political situation of the country. In the period from 1881 to 1890 immigration increased significantly, encouraged by the government which in the years 1888, 1889 and 1890 made the experiment, later abandoned, of advancing the price of the trip to those who wished to emigrate to Argentina. The figures for these nine years, which coincide with the principle of Italian transoceanic emigration on a large scale, give, according to the data collected by the Argentine sociologist Alejandro Bunge, a total emigration of 841,122 men, against 203,455 returned to Europe, with a balance in favor of Argentina of 637. 667 people. Italian statistics give a total of 39,503 emigrants to Argentina for these nine years. Agricultural and livestock industries developed and exports began, which in 1884 increased to 108,499 tons of wheat and which, increasing according to an annual average of 30%, caused an excess of optimism due to crazy expenses and increased debts.

In 1890 the economic and political crisis broke out, which caused immigration to descend in 1891 to 28,666 people against 72,380 who returned to Europe, with a balance against Argentina of 44,114 people.

The Italians who adapt best to the environment are however, as true migrants, the most sensitive to the economic crises of the country where they settle, and in such periods we see them repatriating in large numbers, with a higher percentage than all the others. contingent, less adaptable but heavier and more resigned. In 1895, Italian immigration to Argentina decreased by 75% from one year to the next; in the crises of 1890 there was a real exodus, and in 1891 only 15,511 Italians entered Argentina against 57,920 returned, with a balance in favor of the latter of 42,409 people. After the panic, immigration is slowly increasing, and in the years from 1892 to 1903 the Argentine statistics accuse the entry into the country of 843,446 people, of which according to the statistics of the Kingdom 517,389 are Italians. After deducting 389,292 people returned to Europe, there is an average annual balance in favor of Argentina of 37,789 people and a total of 453,477 people for the last 12 years, which were those of the reorganization of the internal situation after the 1890 crisis. Railways and roads increase, agriculture and pastoralism increase, and that extraordinary period for emigration to the Plata begins which, from 1904 to 1913, marks the average annual entry into the country of 239,197 people for a total of 2,391.879, and – after deducting 907,814 returnees – with a balance in favor of Argentina of 1,484,165 people, of which about half are Italians. In this period, the phenomenon of the Argentines called there is an average annual balance in favor of Argentina of 37,789 people and a total of 453,477 people for the last 12 years, which were those of the reorganization of the internal situation after the crisis of 1890. Railways and roads, agriculture and pastoralism increases, and that extraordinary period begins for emigration to the Plata which, from 1904 to 1913, marks the average annual entry into the country of 239,197 people for a total of 2,391,879, and – after deducting 907,814  returned – with a balance in favor of Argentina of 1,484,165 people, of which about half are Italians. In this period, the phenomenon of the Argentines called the emigración golondrina, that is “swallow emigration”, made up of Italian farmers who came in the months of October, November and December, a time of South American harvest and agricultural stagnation in Italy, taking advantage of the reduced price of the passage on the steam of the companies then competing, they worked intensely, and returned home in the months of May and June with the accumulated savings.

The Argentine national census of 1914 reported on 7,885,237 residents, 2,357,952 foreigners, a degree of cosmopolitanism that worried especially because, since all immigrants were of working age, it derived that out of 2,200,000 male residents over 20 years old, over half, 1,150,000, were foreigners. A principle of unemployment and the declaration of war, which recalled the reservists of every country to arms, meant that from 1914 to 1919 the number of returnees, overall for this period of 480,840, was always higher than the number of immigrants, in all of 266,665, with a balance against Argentina of 214,175 people. In the 5 years of the war, 6357 Italians entered Argentina against 161.151 who returned to Italy, partly for military obligations. As for the figures of Italians, the statistics of the Kingdom are not in agreement with the Argentine ones nor could they be completely since, while the former contemplate the movement between Italy and Argentina, the latter concern the movement of Italians from wherever they come and wherever they go, with Argentina. After the war, immigration to the Plata resumed with new vigor and in the period 1920-1926 829,860 immigrants entered the country, against 346,343 returned, with a balance in favor of Argentina of 583,417 people. Overall, therefore, from 1857 to 1926, a total of 5,741,653 immigrants entered Argentina, of which the Italians, according to the aforementioned Bunge calculations, represent 47.36% with 2,718,190 people. Followed by the Spaniards with 32, -27%, the French with 4%, the Russians with 3%, etc.

Italians who emigrated to Argentina.

The fact of the emigration of individuals of the same nationality remains an indifferent phenomenon until the moment in which immigrants in a particular country or region become a collective force: material, intellectual and moral force, well framed in the evolution of the people. in the midst of which they live, organize and distinguish themselves.

Under these two essential aspects it is necessary to study the phenomenon of Italian emigration to the Rio della Plata.

In the crews of the expeditions organized by Juan Díaz de Solís, Sebastiano Caboto and Pedro de Mendoza there were many Italian sailors who reached the Rio della Plata, since, in regard to Caboto, as the historian José Toribio Medina documents, the orders of Charles V, who wanted, at most, up to a third of foreigners in the army, “and since in that recruitment there were not enough Spaniards, so it was necessary to tolerate the excess, otherwise the departure of the army had to be suspended, something under no tolerable concept “. And the chroniclers tell that the subsequent expeditions found in the consequent explorations, individuals who had remained in the lands discovered by those that had preceded them. Gonzolo Fernández y Valdez, “primer chronicler of the Nuevo Mundo”, in the Historia general y natural de los Indios (chap. XII, p. 202) says that Irala “taking Asunción, found the Timbus who killed the forty Christians and took back a young man, Calderoncin, through whom they made peace “. In the volume of E. Zuccarini, The work of the Italians in the Argentine Republic, 1516-1910, the names of the Italians who participated in the Caboto expedition were transcribed. With the Mendoza expedition several Italians reached the Rio della Plata. Among them was Bernardo Centurione, quatralvo of the prince Andrea Doria’s galleys, and Leonardo Gribeo, according to E. Madero, who in the Historia del puerto de Buenos Aires, making a list of the founders of that city, he adds a note to the name of Lazzaro Gribeo to say that “he was the son of Leonardo Gribeo, an Italian, who came with Pedro de Mendoza”.

According to iamaccepted.com, three years had passed since the founding of the Port of Santa Maria in Buenos Aires, when the Pancalda, a Genoese ship bearing the name of its captain, Leone Pancaldo, arrived there and they came with him, says Ruiz Díaz de Guzmán in Argentina (chap. XVII, pp. 86-88) other Italian nobles who were Pier Antonio de Aquino, Tommaso Rizzo and Battista Troce. From the octaves of the poem La Argentina by Barco de Centenera, we learn that, together with these people, Gibaldo – soldado genovés – and Grimaldo – de su nación, discretos dos varones reached the Rio della Plata.

From the note given to the report drawn up in Cadiz on 2 December 1549, on board the ship captain of the expedition of Álvaro Núñez Cabeza de Vaca, it is known that Leonardo Fragoneto of Naples, Francesco Interidro Gambarotta of Genoa, Giacomo di Corneido Gedeca Italian went with him, Sebastiano Gianares of Genoa, Scipione Grimaldo (partner of Leone Pancaldo, who went to accommodate his shops), Verti of Lucca, Bartolomeo Sibori of Genoa, Giovanni of Naples sailor, Luigi of Venice sailor, Diego di Orve from Rome.

In 1601 a certain Francesco de Vitoria presented himself to the competent authorities of Buenos Aires asking him to be assigned a house to open a school that Buenos Aires did not have, saying that Christian doctrine would be taught there, to read, to write and to do accounts; for which the residents would pay a monthly peso for each pupil who only wanted to learn to read and two pesos for the others who also wanted to learn to write and to count (E. Trelles, Registro estadístico del estado de Buenos Aires, 1850, p. 15). This de Vitoria, due to the spelling of the surname, must have been Italian.

In 1714 a Paolo della Quadra was an alcalde from a district of Buenos Aires. In 1779 the Tribunal of the Protomedicate was founded and Francesco Bruno Rivarola, an Italian from Liguria, was called to participate. In 1782 he made the furniture of the viceroy Juan José de Vertiz, Giovanni Cansi, also from Liguria, whose shop, according to the guides, remained in via San Martín until 1888.

A large group of Italian emigrants to the Rio della Plata provided the Society of Jesus. Among the best known are: Giuseppe Cataldino da Fabriano in the Marche, who, with Simone Mazeta, founded the missions of Paraguay; Giovanni Dario, Neapolitan; Giovanni Battista Ferrufino; Giovanni Guglielmo di Tempio in Sardinia, who was one of the seven stars of the hand of Jesus, as Mancini called the seven Sardinian Jesuits missionaries in the Rio della Plata provinces.

In the Buenos Aires census, carried out in 1774, the number of Italians is indicated as follows: I Quartiere: 2 Italians – shopkeepers; III District: 2 Italians -1 shopkeeper, 1 without specification; IV District: 5 Italians – 4 owners, 1 farmer; VIII District: 1 Italian shopkeeper.

In the land registry carried out in Buenos Aires in 1768 there are registered several properties belonging to Italians.

The Azara in the 1st volume of the Descripción é historia del Paraguay y del Río de la Plata (Asunción del Paraguay 1886), on p. 140, speaking of cultivated plants, he writes: “there they call apricots damasks, whose origin is as follows: Antonio el Choricero (the Sausage maker), who was Italian, brought from his country a box with seeds of cabbage and lettuce, among which he found two apricot pits which he did not recognize, but sowed them in my time and all the apricot trees there are derived from them “.

In 1804 the viceroy Sobremonte ordered that all foreigners residing in Buenos Aires presented themselves to the alcaldes of their respective neighborhoods to be registered, and from the published documents it emerges that there were 94 Italians.

There is no space to detect all the curiosities that this registration offers, but it is necessary to infer that it was ordered to verify how many and which foreigners had a residence permit, which is indispensable according to the prescriptions issued by SM and by the members of the Chamber of the Indies.

Among those sentenced to expulsion there are several Italians registered, including Giacomo Perfumo, a natural from Genoa, and Filippo Corbero of the same origin, registered in the district n. 2. These individuals, according to the decree, had arrived “with certain ships, which had brought slaves, and must return precisely with them, with the warning that, if they fail to do so, they will be led at their expense in the same form as the others who do not belong to the crews of said vessels or of others who have come with another destiny “.

To understand the state of affairs well, it is useful to transcribe the declarations made by these two Italians to their respective alcalde. Giacomo Perfumo said he was born in Genoa, was a Catholic, celibate and had lived in the city for thirteen years, exercising the office of coffee maker. It seems they were individuals linked by common interests, given that Filippo Corbero declared that he was born in Genoa, that he was a Catholic and celibate, that he had resided in the city for two years exercising the profession of a coffee maker.

Others do not even indicate the reason for the expulsion but their protests are recorded. Among those expelled, one, the Genoese Antonio Peneoj cook, was dead; Edmondo Orgoman of Livorno had arrived with royal permission; the Bolonesi violin professor Andrea of ​​Genoa had not presented himself to make any declaration whatsoever.

During the years 1805 and 1807, as a measure of public security, foreigners domiciled in the various urban districts were called to report to their respective alcaldes to declare their personal conditions. Those were the times of the English invasions and the subsequent revenge. Of the few Italians expelled, two, Giovan Battista Regis and Giacomo Espocio (Esposito) were already included in the first call.

In 1809 a new census of foreigners residing in Buenos Aires was carried out and proceeded with great secrecy. There are 57 Italians registered; however, judging by what the alcalde of district n. 8 to the cabildo (comune), that is, that “many names are lacking in consideration of the secret with which the ecc. Mo viceroy orders this operation to be carried out”, the small number of foreigners and Italians in particular, must be attributed to said measure. Remember that it was in August 1809, that is, a few months after the revolution of May 1810.

These assumptions are largely justified by what Dr. Luis R. Gondra, in his work Las ideas económicas de Manuel Belgrano, in this regard: “During the eighteenth century numerous royal coupons repeated in vain that the closure of the port of Buenos Aires was strictly maintained and that foreigners who stopped there; because, against the will of the monarch, the interests that a historical tendency and a geographical necessity had imposed prevailed. In spite of the prohibitions, the foreigners returned and the traffic was renewed with the means that invented the greed of the merchants and corruption of local authorities “.

In August 1810, one of the first administrative acts of the provisional government that arose from the revolution, was the census of the city of Buenos Aires, but of the twenty districts into which the city was divided, only 14 registers remain, the others having been lost.

Here are the data concerning Italians, as they were published by Trelles in the Registro estadístico del estado de Buenos Aires year 1859, since in vol. XII of the Documentos para la historia Argentina there are the general summaries without the nationality of the Europeans.

According to existingcountries.com, the summary of this census includes: Italians, 61 men; 3 women. Men: 56 whites, 4 blacks, one without ranking. Professions: 1 supplier, 1 pharmacist, 2 carpenters, 5 merchants, 1 confectioner, 1 colonel, 2 shop assistants, 1 clerk, 7 farm owners (estancias), 3 blacksmiths, 1 boatman, 1 sailor, 2 shopkeepers (pulperos) , 1 sergeant, 1 drum major, 2 tailors, 1 soldier, 31 without ranking: total, 64.

The population of Buenos Aires in 1810 amounted to approximately 45,000 residents, in which Europeans were in the following proportions: Spaniards 1669, French 151, English 124, Italians 64, Portuguese 296, unspecified 207.

Certainly the number of Italians must have been higher than that recorded, and because the data for six neighborhoods are missing and because agriculture was in their hands around the city.

In this regard it should be remembered that the retired colonel Estanislao Maldones wrote in 1911 a booklet dedicated to Los Italianos en Catamarca – short noticia sobre su acción en la provincia, where we read: “The first Italian of whom we find news in the official chronicle is a Mr. Antonio Tabagni, from Rome, a miner, who asked for permission to taste in the hill of Ambato and the municipality granted it to him in the weekly session of 25 August 1810. It has not been possible to find other clues about this person, which leads us to believe that his passage through the province was fleeting. Shortly afterwards, Mr. Carlo Bracchieri, also from Rome, arrived and founded an elementary school in the district of Santa Cruz, now Valle Viejo Department. He also practiced the art of healing with the hydropathic system. A man of good condition, a fervent Catholic, he became part of an Argentine family by marriage, marrying a daughter in 1818, and his eighth son, born in August 1827, still lives:is Mrs. Adeodata Bracchieri, widow of Ulibarri, also of Italian origin, but born in the country “.

All these Italians established in the Rio della Plata entered into various relationships there, and some formed their own family there, exercising profession, employment, trade or humble trades there. Several also became owners of urban and rural assets; however, between them they did not manage to create a bond that could give prominence, even ideally, to their respective nationality, which in Europe did not have a basis and political power. Therefore, if in this social milieu they had any influence, it was only individual.

To find some concrete and certain data, we need to go back to the times in which the truly civil influence of Bernardino Rivadavia predominated, who, sent to Europe to obtain from those states the recognition of the independence of the United Provinces of the Rio della Plata, for which what he signed the trade treaty with England, he met several Italian political emigrants, men of science and letters in Paris and London, some of whom were invited to go to Buenos Aires to carry out their activities there. The first Italian immigrants were the journalist Pietro De Angelis and the scientists Pietro Carta Molina and Carlo Ferraris.

De Angelis came first and founded the Crónica, which saw the light on March 3, 1827, to defend the government’s liberal policy; but when Rivadavia fell, the journalist also became Manuel Rosas’ secretary. It is easy to understand how, for this reason, the name of Pietro De Angelis is not remembered either with pleasure or honor; however, he was able to earn the title of Bricklayers of the Argentine Republic with the Colección de obras y documentos para la historia antigua y Moderna de las provincias del Rio de la Plata.

Carta Molina came to occupy the chair of experimental physics, to which he was appointed by decree of 10 April 1826. He organized the relative laboratory with the cooperation of Carlo Ferraris, who was his assistant, and began lessons on 17 June 1827. Rivadavia fell and with it the liberal party, the Charter, finding itself uneasy, resigned in March 1829, devoting himself to the practice of medicine. Fabrizio Mossotti was appointed to replace him, who had been called in 1828 to direct the astronomical observatory. He taught until 1834, when, when Caturegli died, he was called to replace him at the University of Bologna.

In this way, in the times when Italy was still a geographical expression, Italian scientific thought penetrated the University of Buenos Aires, and the memory that one of the best disciples, Juan Maria Gutiérrez, to understand how much intellectual and moral effectiveness their teaching and example had on that generation.

From December 6, 1829 to February 3, 1852 Buenos Aires and all the Argentine provinces remained under the dictatorship of Juan Manuel Rosas, who prohibited immigration and the free navigation of the river. Nevertheless, several Italians settled in Buenos Aires, such as Bartolomeo Denegri di Zoagli, Francesco Martini from Genoa, Giuseppe Muratori, who later became admiral of the Argentine army, and many others who, with very serious risk, helped the cause of the salvojes unitarios., cooperating to make them flee to Montevideo, which had become the bulwark of freedom and where many Italian political emigrants, duce Garibaldi and organizer Anzani, formed the Italian legion, distinguished in many facts of arms and covered with glory in Sant’Antonio del Salto, also supplying the crews that under Garibaldi’s orders faced the army of Rosas commanded by Brown, from 1843 to 1848.

But it is also certain that in 1829, with a decree signed by Brown and JM Paz, the Battalion of the Friends of the Order was established in Buenos Aires, to which all foreigners, except the British and North Americans, were obliged to enlist. Many Italians enrolled there: as second lieutenant of the 8th company there was Carlo Ferraris, director of the physics laboratory and founder of the Natural History Museum of Buenos Aires.

From 1910 to 1926 in the Argentine Republic, as in other civilized countries, a continuous increase in public expenditure is observed, nor could it have otherwise occurred in a new nation, with an not fully developed economy, in which the state has many functions to perform in order to the economic, intellectual and moral progress of its residents.

Thus the budget of the federal state, which in the year of the centenary of national independence authorized tax expenses of $ m / n 266.964.780 reaches the sum of $ m / n 687.246.78 in 1924. This increase is it produced in an accentuated way in the period 1910-1914, an era of prosperity and progress for the republic; from 1915 to 1919, the estimated expenses decrease, due to the economic imbalances produced by the European war, to grow again in the period 1920-1924:

Almost half of the political expenditure includes defense expenditure (war and navy). Of the increase costs, public works and public education absorb the most: from 1910 to 1924 they reached a total of $ m / n 2,579,550,530 and represent 37.70% of the total national public expenditure budgeted for the same years. Expenditure on public education, corresponding to the same period, reached a total of $ m / n 2,579,054,421; free and compulsory primary education contributes primarily to the increase in these expenses. The financial expenses, which concern the collection, supervision and investment of the rents, and the services of the public debt, have had, in the years studied, the same increase as the political and incremental expenses.

We will recall that the figures quoted above are nominal, and do not reflect the actual increase in national estimates, since fluctuations in the purchasing power of the currency are not considered. They also do not include the expenses of the autonomous institutions of the nation (National Council of Education, State Railways: Health Works, Banco della Nation, Mortgage Bank, National Postal Savings Bank, National Commission of Cheap Homes, etc., except for the part of these charged to the nation), which in 1922 reached about $ m / n 100,000,000.

According to ehuacom.com, the federal state’s revenue from its territorial state property and other assets includes the following items, and totaled $ m / n 1,741,000 in 1910 and $ m / n 2,391,000 in 1924.

The national revenues corresponding to the commercial and industrial property of the state add up to $ n / n 49,947,000 in 1910 and $ m / n 83,010,000 in 1924 and include the following items and sums:

National revenue from functions and services, affecting the state as such, and which reaches a sum of $ 2,703,000 in 1910 and $ 7,329,000 in 1924, is:

The importance of Argentina’s national land taxes; on agricultural and livestock production; on trade, industry and professions; on consumption; on civil, commercial and judicial acts, and on succession – can be seen from the following table.

The land tax, which is applied in the city of Buenos Aires and in the national territories, is called territorial contribution, and its proceeds are divided between the national treasury, the national education council and the municipalities of the federal capital and national territories. The export duties on agricultural livestock production and thus the taxes on trade, industry and professions in the federal capital and in the national territories with licenses, are distributed in the same way as the territorial contributions. Consumption is burdened by import duties (additional import duty 2 and 7%, surcharge of 25% and statistics fees, which constitute a real tax, since their amount is much greater than the cost of the service) and taxes internal on tobacco, alcohol, alcoholic drinks, perfumes, specific, medicines, jewels, playing cards, artificial drinks and matches. Internal taxes are distributed between the national treasury and the subsidy fund. The following tables illustrate the classification of the articles according to the foreign trade statistics; the performance of each group and the proportion of each to the total; the revenue, the proportion of the total and the increase in internal taxes, corresponding to the years 1910 and 1924.

Taxes on civil, commercial and judicial documents include those on stamped paper for administrative and judicial procedures, travel tickets and insurance. The national tax applicable to inheritances in the federal capital and in the national territories is entirely devolved to the National Education Council.

The Argentine Republic had and needs for its normal development two great factors of progress, labor and capital: workers to populate, under the protection of its fundamental charter, its territory of nearly three million square kilometers; capital for the increase of its incipient industries, and for the construction of ports, canals, railways, roads, sanitary works, etc. Hence the importance of loans, especially those contracted abroad, for the Argentine economy and finances.

From 1910 to 1924, the expenses of the internal and external public debt reached the sum of $ m / n 1,532,979,117.

Out of a total financial expenditure of $ 1,731,204,318, corresponding to the years 1910-1924, the national public debt figures for $ 1,532,979,117, that is about 88%; and absorbs 22.41% of the total amount of budgeted expenses in the same period, which reaches $ 6,834,541,039.

The consolidated national debt and the free float rose overall in 1910 to $ 1,113,845,000, or $ 191 per resident, and in 1922 to $ 2,187,710,000, or $ 243 per resident.

In recent years the floating debt and the consolidated debt then reached, separately, the following figures:

The sizeable increase in subsidized debt has its origin in large part in the budget deficits that have arisen over the past three decades. In fact, the sums collected and those spent during the years from 1910 to 1925 produced the previous balances which increased the floating debt to the current figure; its consolidation and its reduction to a minimum is of interest to the national government.

The Argentine monetary system is based on two fundamental laws: the monetary law of November 5, 1881 and that, called the conversion law, of November 4, 1899. The first, which created the weight (of 1.6129 gr. Of gold of 0, 900 fine, the gold one, and 25 grams of Agrigento also with a fineness of 0,900 fine, the silver one), declared the minting of gold to be unlimited and fixed, for each resident, a maximum of four pesos for silver coins and twenty-five for copper coins, it had a short duration, since paper money, first introduced in small quantities and as a premium on gold, gradually eliminated metal coins from circulation, and in 1886 the compulsory tender was declared. This was followed by one of the most serious crises that Argentina has gone through, called the crisis of progress, during which gold was quoted up to 400% above paper money; and only when trust returned to reign in the nation, the law of conversion, the work of the eminent statesman Dr. Carlo Pellegrini, intervened to stabilize the paper weight at a value of 44 gold centavos, which was equivalent to a type of conversion of 227.2727% for the weight gold. The silver divisional coin was replaced with small denomination tickets, later replaced by nickel coins of equal value.

The gold weight is indicated with the initials $ o / s (gold sold “gold with the brand”), while the initials $ m / n (moneda nacional) or $ c / l (curso legal) are used for the paper weight.

Frondizi revealed an extraordinary political ability juggling from 1958 to 1962 among the pitfalls coming from all sides: from the military, divided between coup leaders who wanted power and legalists in favor of government constitutionality; by the Peronists and the Communists, who attacked its economic policy and the lack of social reforms; by entrepreneurs, unhappy with credit restrictions; from his own party Unión Cívica Radical Intransigente(UCRI), which accused him of not keeping to the electoral platform based on the planned state economy. Frondizi made every effort to restore the national economy through a policy of severe austerity and obstinate search for balance. In March 1961, after much hesitation, he returned control of the General Confederation of Workers (CGT) to the unions, in fulfillment of a specific commitment, and in the following April he dismissed his Finance Minister (in office since 1958) Alvaro Carlos Alsogaray, a well-known economist and tenacious advocate of private initiative. It also reinstated the many privileges that had been taken away from the Church by Perón, incurring criticism from the Peronists and the left. Abroad, especially in the USA, Frondizi’s policy met with broad consensus, concretized in loans, capital investments, credits. The Alliance for Progress and the International Monetary Fund worked to support his attempt to balance the state budget and to tackle inflation. Regarding the oil policy, Frondizi, despite having advocated a nationalistic policy in the past, believed that it was necessary to abandon the monopoly and concluded agreements with North American, English and Dutch companies for greater exploitation of the product in the north and south of the country (Patagonia) and in the Comodoro Rivadavia area; massive oil and gas pipelines were also built. Production in the space of a few years was more than doubled and the control of the market remained with the YPF (Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales), which reserved the right to purchase all the product obtained from foreign companies.

However, at the end of 1961, the economic crisis always appeared acute: the heavy deficit in the trade balance was justified by citing the poor wheat harvest, which had reduced exports, and the increase in imports of raw materials as well as machinery for the industrial increase. 1962 recorded two important events that marked the destiny of Frondizi. The first concerned the expulsion of Cuba from the Organization of American States (decided by the Punta del Este conference on January 22-31). The author, together with five other nations, abstained from voting the resolution against Cuba; but the attitude of the Argentine delegation, in favor of a compromise solution, displeased left-wing extremists and the military for opposite reasons, who demanded and obtained the dismissal of the foreign minister and the severance of relations with Havana. The second event concerned theFrente justicialista readmitted into the political arena after seven years of hiding: in the regional elections of March 1962 the Peronists obtained a surprising victory, collecting 35% of the total votes and nine governorates out of fourteen provinces.

The military rose up and forced Frondizi to block the way to power for the Peronists, while the unions promoted a general strike. For many days the Argentina was in chaos. Frondizi, pressed from all sides, refused to adhere to the demands of the military; but a coup d’etat (March 29) dragged him from the presidential palace into exile on the islet of Martín García. He was replaced by the President of the Senate José Maria Guido who from 30 March 1962 to 12 October 1963 governed the country supported by the military who had promoted the coup. The cancellation of the March elections and the dissolution of the congress provoked the intervention of the military legalistaswho, under the orders of gen. Juan Carlos Onganía, seized power (21 September 1962), however, promising free elections for the middle of 1963. The president Guido, who remained in office, fought against Peronism which tried to organize itself, first as a party of Unión popular and then as Frente national popular, coalition of parties of various tendencies. The government, convinced that Perón had been leading his movement since his exile in Madrid, waiting for more propitious times, then issued a decree that invalidated the votes of any party formed by Peronists. They responded by voting blank ballots in the July 7, 1963 elections, which turned out to be devoid of any real meaning.

Arturo Illía was elected candidate of the Unión cívica radical del pueblo (UCRP). The new president canceled contracts with oil companies and refused credits from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. The national economy deteriorated but was momentarily supported by two exceptional wheat harvests in 1964 and 1965. Illía tried to curry favor with the Peronists, her tenacious opponents, by allowing the Unión popularparticipated in the congressional elections of 1965. The Peronists won 37% of the votes and won again in subsequent administrative and provincial elections, establishing themselves as the most powerful Argentine party. The military, considering Illía politically inept, decided to intervene and replaced him (June 28, 1966) with General Juán Carlos Onganía, who dissolved parliament, abolished political parties and replaced judges and governors. The powerful CGT split into two sections: the Orthodox Peronists and the Neo-Peronists, further to the left. The new government decreed the end of autonomy in the universities accused of welcoming Communists and Jews and closed 1,500 cooperatives founded by Jews, thus lending its side to the accusation of anti-Semitism. The politics of Onganía alienated him from the sympathies of the Church, of the intellectuals, students and trade unions but did not displease the high finance circles and foreign donors. In essence, the Onganía regime, which often resorted to violence, had many similarities with nationalist dictatorships. In 1969 the opposition to the government widened and turned into open hostility, with the formation of armed groups ready to resist government impositions. Thus developed the phenomenon of urban guerrilla based on coups, kidnappings, attacks. The unrest and terrorism, particularly in Buenos Aires and Córdoba, culminated in the assassination of the Peronist leader Augusto Vandor and of the former president gen. Aramburu. Onganía accentuated the authoritarian style of his government, but another military coup overthrew him (June 8, 1970), replacing him with gen. Levingston, who, however, unable to cope with the chaotic situation aggravated by the continuous strikes, he soon resigned and was replaced by gen. Alejandro Lanusse (March 25, 1971).

The inability of the military to resolve the nation’s political and economic problems played in favor of Peronism, of which the people remembered the social merits. From Madrid, the old dictator, who retained his prestige, maintained contact with the exponents of the various Argentine parties striving to unify his movement. A message to the nation (September 17, 1971) from President Lanusse announced general elections for March 10, 1973 and the consequent return of the country to constitutional normality. But that date marked the resounding electoral success of Peronism (half of the votes) which presented as candidate Hector Cámpora, most faithful lieutenant of Perón. The election campaign took place under the slogan “Cámpora in the presidency, Perón in power”. The return of Peronism, besides demonstrating the ineptitude of the military classes, it represented the disorientation of the masses in the face of the proliferation of political parties, divided into various tendencies. Nor should economic reasons be overlooked: inflation, the high cost of living, rationing of meat, rebellions and coups d’etat, which remained at the stage of intentions, without penetrating so deeply as to bring about any social change. For Argentina 2008, please check payhelpcenter.com.

The elections were preceded by a long period of unrest unmatched in Argentine history. The killers of gen. Sánchez, head of the Rosario repression, and Oberdan Sallustro, director of Argentine Fiat. The real state of war between terrorism and police forces also played in favor of Perón on whom hopes for a national pacification were now placed. A month after his inauguration (25 May) Cámpora went to Spain, from which he returned to Argentina together with Perón (20 June) which thus concluded his long exile. On July 13, 1973, the new president resigned, giving way to Perón, confirmed as president by a triumphal popular consultation. Perón’s young wife, Maria Estela Martínez, was appointed to the vice presidency of the republic. that in case of impediment of the elected president (he was approaching 78 years), he would have guaranteed the permanence in power of Peronism, from which the miracle of reviving a ruined and passion-torn country was expected. The singular event, defined as a “consensual coup”, had the approval of the military and the political opposition, sanctioning an existing state of affairs. On 1 July 1974 Juán Domingo Perón died suddenly and the supreme office of the state was assumed, as expected, by the vice president Maria Estela Martínez, Isabelita for the Argentines, who confirmed the Minister of Social Welfare and his personal advisor José as Secretary to the Presidency. López Rega, belonging to the conservative wing of the party and disliked by young Peronists. Two months after Perón’s disappearance, the split within the justice movement deepened, threatening to plunge the country into chaos. The “montoneros” guerrillas (left-wing organization that had contributed to the return of Perón) declared, on September 7, 1974, to resume the armed struggle against the government of Isabelita Martínez, accused of siding with the right-wing currents. By contrast, far-right teams named AAA (Acción Anticomunista Argentina) provoked bloody reprisals. Hundreds of people were murdered including (September 27) the former rector of the University, Silvio Frondizi, brother of the former president Arturo, and the Chilean general Carlos Prats (September 30), who took refuge in Argentina after the tragic end of Allende. On November 6, following the wave of violence, the government decreed a state of siege.

The first electoral consultations that took place after Perón’s death in the province of Misiones (April 14, 1975) were resolved with the success of the government coalition made up of Orthodox Peronists and followers of the former president Frandizi (45.87% of the votes), followed by the radical center party led by Ricardo Balbín (38.73%). This seemed to confirm a certain solidity of the regime, supported by the moderate right: the armed forces, the Church, the agrarians, without the opposition of the trade unions who saw all their requests accepted by the new president. In March 1976, however, President I. Perón was dismissed and General Videla assumed the presidency of the Republic. The new government is mainly made up of military personnel.

Peninsula Valdés (World Heritage), the Peninsula Valdés, around 1400 km south of Buenos Aires, is an important protected area for marine mammals such as sea lions and elephant seals.

Southern right whales and orcas also cavort in the coastal waters. Inside you will encounter rheas, wild llamas and pampas hares.

Peninsula Valdés: facts

Official title:	Peninsula Valdés
Natural monument:	Marine reserve Golfo San José, nature reserves Punta Norte, Isla de Los Pájaros, Punta Pirámide, Caleta Valdés, Punta Delgada, Península Valdés, partly under protection since 1983, since 1985 special protection for the southern right whale, area 3600 km² with heights between 35 and 100 m, semi-arid climate with average rainfall of up to 240 mm, first discovered in 1779
Continent:	America
Country:	Argentina, Patagonia
Location:	Península Valdés between Golfo Nuevo and Golfo San Matías, northeast of Rawson and southeast of Puerto Lobos Significance: Of global importance for the conservation of marine mammals such as the southern elephant seal and southern right whale (southern right whale)
Appointment:	1999
Meaning:	of global importance for the conservation of marine mammals such as the southern elephant seal and southern right whale (southern right whale)
Flora and fauna:	130 plant species, 38 of which only occur in Argentina; approximately 2,700 southern right whale, southern elephant seal, orca, peales’ dolphin, dark dolphin, Commerson’s dolphin, long-fin pilot whale, pampas hare, magellan fox, 80,000 sheep; 118 bird species, including 66 migratory bird species and 40,000 nesting sites for Magellanic penguins, 6,000 nesting sites for Dominican gulls, as well as common tern, red knot and American godwit

A zoo without guards and bars

The massive, black body rises slowly from the depths of the sea. As if in slow motion, as if lifted up by telluric forces, the mighty baleen whale rears up and falls back into the water with fountains hissing in all directions. Another flips over downwards. The five-meter-wide tail fin floats majestically in the air for a moment and then slowly dives away. From boats that lie silently in the bay, spectators watch the fascinating dance of the fifty-toners. Every year in the late autumn of the southern hemisphere, i.e. in April / May, hundreds of southern right whales come from Antarctic waters to the mild and calm bays of the Valdés peninsula: the Golfo Nuevo and the Golfo San José. They stay in this immense natural “zoo” for six to seven months, in which there is no need for bars or guards. They indulge in the eternal game of creation, give birth to their young and then withdraw to the cold south again towards the end of the year.

From observation towers that have been erected here and there on the flat headland covered with barren scrub and steppe grass, visitors can watch the flocks of wildly screeching seagulls, stoically waiting herons and cormorants through binoculars. Every now and then an Argentine gray fox or a guanaco can be seen. On the east coast, which faces the Atlantic, numerous colonies of southern elephant seals and southern sea lions can be found from Punta Norte to Punta Delgada. Hundreds of them lie on the beach like nowhere else on the mainland and do not let themselves be disturbed during their siesta. With large, dark eyes, females and young animals peer into the cameras, which they photograph from a suitable distance. Meanwhile, »machos« weighing tons are waging their power struggles among themselves.

The Golfo San José, on the northern shore of the peninsula, is once a year, around March, the meeting place for killer whales, also known as orcas or (unfortunately) as »killer whales«. Fish, penguins, seals, even sea turtles and sharks all show them respect. Because they all belong to the menu of these mammals, which, unlike the other whales, have sharp teeth with 44 pointed, hook-shaped teeth.

The fact that the diverse fauna on the Valdés peninsula and in the adjacent waters can feel safe is thanks to a law from the late 1960s, which declared this area an open nature reserve. The observation of baleen whales on boats that only leave the small town of Puerto Pirámides has since been subject to strict regulations and controls. This is to guarantee an undisturbed reproduction of the species.

In earlier centuries, scientists estimate that around 100,000 southern right whales populated the oceans of the southern hemisphere. The merciless hunt of the whalers almost completely wiped them out. For this reason, they were first included in the 1936 International Whaling Agreement, along with bowhead whales, northern capers and other species. In the case of the southern right whales outside Argentina’s territory, however, according to ezinereligion, the extermination campaign lasted until the mid-1980s. Local researchers have recently been busy identifying the giant mammals. This is possible thanks to the existence of light skin bulges on the head, which have a different shape for each specimen. This characteristic is already visible when the animals are born and does not change over the course of their 60 to 70 years of life.

The recipe for South America is simple. Start with the joy of life and hospitality. Then add a mix of modern cities and relics from the Inca Empire. Sprinkle with fascinating wildlife and unique scenery. Then you have a bit of what a stay as an exchange student in Argentina gives you.

If you come to live in Argentina, you will meet a lot of nice people who welcome you with hugs – and you will easily make new friends. You will surely be seduced by their passion for football, beef and tango. Argentines love to dance and eat out – especially on the weekends – but in everyday life, family life is the most important thing. As an exchange student, you will feel the close family relationships of your host family and experience the European influence, which is largely expressed in the capital Buenos Aires and a high level of education.

As a country that begins with letter A according to Trackaah, Argentina is known for its nature. From the giant Iguazu Falls on the Brazilian border and ice-covered mountain peaks in the east to the lush rainforests in the northeast and penguin colonies in the south. It is both magnificent and varied.

An exchange stay in Argentina opens your mind! Are you ready to go on an adventure?

• CAPITAL CITY: Buenos Aires
• LANGUAGE: Spanish
• CURRENCY: Peso (ARS)
• AREA: 2,780,400 km2 (ARG)
• POPULATION: 43,417,000 (ARG)

People and community

Young people in Argentina are very socially minded. They meet in friends’ homes, in the city center, go out to eat, go to the cinema, go out and dance or hang out at a local café. Most students join sports teams or go to a gym in the afternoon. Many also study another language at a language school. As a means of transport, young people often use their bicycle or walk, but in big cities, public transport is often used.

Parents and children usually have an open relationship where they discuss opinions and plans, but parents usually get the last word. Do not miss family dinners and the opportunity to improve your Spanish while talking about the day’s events.

Schooling

According to TopSchoolsintheUSA, the school week runs from Monday to Friday. The classes can be located in the morning (from 08-13) or in the afternoon (from 13-18). The school year starts in March and ends in December. Usually there are about 35 students in each class and it is standard that the students wear school uniform.

Language

In Argentina, the official language is Spanish, but many also speak English, Italian, German, French or Portuguese. If you know basic Spanish, it will undoubtedly be an advantage, although it is not a requirement to get to Argentina. However, you are encouraged to take language lessons, and the local AFS volunteers will possibly help arrange an independent language learning for you during the first months.

Food

Beef, like culinary, sticks together, and you can find it in dishes like milanesas (a kind of beef schnitzel), chivito and empanadas , all of which testify to a great influence of Italian cuisine. Unlike the cuisines of other Latin American countries, the food in Argentina is not spicy. Argentines are known for drinking mate, a local green tea, which is often a social event.