Author: itypemba

Argentina Economic and Financial Policy in the 21st Century

Argentina Economic and Financial Policy in the 21st Century

Demography and economic geography. – State of South America. The population is growing at a reduced rate (0.9% per year) compared to the past and less than the Latin American average: 40,117,096 residents at the 2010 census, 41,803,125 residents according to an estimate by UNDESA (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs) of 2014. Life expectancy at birth is increasing, especially in the poorer social classes, and the number of young people under 15 is decreasing, while that between 15 and 24 years, an important reservoir of workforce, is expanding. The urbanization rate is among the highest in the world and around the capital Buenos Aires live a third of Argentines. The population, made up of the descendants of the great transoceanic migrations, is almost entirely of European origin, in particular Spanish and Italian. The indigenous minorities concentrated in the northern provinces and the growing number of immigrants from the more economically disadvantaged neighboring countries are exceptions.

Economic conditions. – According to, the economic-financial crisis, which had hit the Argentina starting from 2001, it had started a heavy phase of recession which was overcome thanks to the expansionary policies of the government. However, after almost a decade of positive trend (with growth rates above 8-9%), the trend of the economy has suffered a new sharp slowdown, recording low growth, poor competitiveness on international markets, overvaluation of the currency with consequent imbalances on the trade balance. Also in February 2013 the IMF (International Monetary Fund) censored the country on charges of altering GDP and inflation statistics. In 2013, the GDP experienced an increase of 2.9% (while for 2014 a contraction of 1.7% was estimated), inflation remained stable around 25%, domestic consumption recorded an increase by 4% and public spending by 7.4%. However, these advances would not compensate for the deterioration of the accounts: imports increased by 1.6%, exports contracted by 5.3%. The foreign debt also weighs heavily, with an exorbitant annual service (interest and repayment of the debt due), while to feed industry and consumption the Argentina would need foreign capital. Added to this is the fact that at the end of July 2014 the Argentina has run into a new default, a bankruptcy, however, not comparable to that of 2001 (see below: Economic and financial policy).

The most dynamic productive sectors remain agriculture (+ 10.6% in 2013) and fishing (+ 22.8%), followed by a diversified industrial sector that alternates positive periods with periods of crisis and an energy sector that suffers the trend of economic policy, subject to frequent and unpredictable variations. In this regard, the succession of privatizations and nationalizations involving the oil company Repsol YPF, ‘renationalized’ in May 2012. The recent discovery of important shale gasand shale oil fields could push new investments in the sector, also useful for revive the national economy.

Economic and financial policy. – After the serious crisis that hit the Argentina in the early years of the 21st century, successive governments implemented an active economic policy aimed at promoting economic development while respecting social equity. In particular, the Argentine authorities have pursued the primary budget surplus and the gradual reduction of public debt ensuring financial sustainability with the development of an adequate repayment capacity.

Evolution of the main economic aggregates

Fiscal policy was characterized by an increase in the tax burden, accompanied by more effective action to combat tax evasion and avoidance, and by the adoption of a more equitable tax system. Reductions in tax rates have been guaranteed to businesses in order to encourage employment and the emergence of non-regularized work, and other tax incentives have promoted investments in capital goods. To support social inclusion by protecting consumers’ purchasing power, the government has supported the increase in the minimum wage and pensions, lowered the prices of primary consumer goods and provided subsidies for public transport and household energy consumption.

In the field of trade policy, the authorities have introduced restrictions on foreign trade by imposing strict controls and non-tariff barriers to imports, in order to protect national strategic sectors, while exporters have been able to benefit from financing and subsidies. In the foreign exchange market, the government has curbed the use of foreign exchange reserves by residents by limiting their use in domestic commercial transactions. Important structural reforms were adopted in 2012 to contain the effects of the global financial crisis and support the internal market, including the nationalization of the oil company Repsol YPF. The reform of the central bank has made it possible to expand the instruments available to guarantee financial stability, employment and economic development. Additional measures have been taken in order to stimulate financial inclusion and facilitate access to bank credit. During this period, an expansionary monetary policy was carried out aimed mainly at buying foreign currency to increase the reserves necessary to manage the volatility of the peso, and in part to finance the public sector, thus fueling the inflationary spiral. In January 2014, to cope with the fall in foreign reserves and persistent tensions on the foreign exchange market, the Argentine peso was devalued, and the government launched a range of new economic policy actions: monetary policy was tightened with the increase in the interest rate and the access of Argentine savers to the foreign exchange market was made easier.

Argentina Economic and Financial Policy in the 21st Century

Argentina Literature

Argentina Literature

According to, the territory within which the Argentine Republic is now included was originally inhabited by indigenous races who had no written literature, but whose languages, traditions and songs are known to us as part of folklore, or in the form of news in the first colonial chronicles, following the reconstructions of modern art and science.

During the sec. XVI the Spanish captains, priests, magistrates and artisans, who discovered, explored and colonized the Argentine territory, transplanted the Castilian language, the writing and the foundations of European culture, which developed in Spain from the Renaissance onwards.

The Spanish colonization thus also created in Argentina a Greek-Latin and Christian society, with many medieval residues and theocratic norms: however, when Argentina managed to emancipate itself (1810): like the other American peoples, it renewed its social conscience and politics under the influence of French encyclopedism and British liberalism; he only kept the Spanish language as an expressive sign of his nationality and his literature.

Finally, the Argentine Republic was established in 1853, the country opened up to European immigration, and at the same time the national culture was also open to all cosmopolitan influences, while maintaining its own national characteristic.

Chronologically, in Argentine literature we can therefore distinguish the following periods: 1. of indigenous prehistory with songs and oral narratives in Quechúa, Guarani or Araucano, which persist in popular tradition, or were collected after the 16th century by the colonizers and, in more recent age, by Argentine scholars; 2. of the Spanish colonization which includes three centuries, from 1535, the date of the foundation of Buenos Aires, up to 1810, the date of the fall of the viceroys, a period that presents a more historical than literary interest, because it is mostly written they refer to local events, now in the form of a prose chronicle, now in the form of historical works in verse; 3. of national emancipation, which embraces almost the entire nineteenth century and the present up to the present day, and is the only one in which the production expresses the ideals of the country in formation and describes its landscapes, its types, its customs, in all genres proper to modern European literatures, and with its own ever growing originality: indeed, even for the whole century. XIX, literature almost always remained at the service of political events, and it is necessary to reach the contemporary era after 1880 to recognize a real literature, inspired only by aesthetic ideals, and complete in all its multiplicity of forms.

Since chronology, which correlates political and literary history, is not enough to fully explain Argentine literature, a system of aesthetic dependencies on European culture has been resorted to. Under this system one should speak of classicism, romanticism, naturalism, modernism, symbolism, etc., as if Argentine intellectual production were a simple phenomenon of intercontinental imitation. Argentine classicism would in fact be represented by authors of the colonial era, who studied Latin in university classrooms, and imitated ancient models, often through other European imitators: such as, in the seventeenth century, Luís De Tejeda (1604-1681), author of El peregrino en Babilonia, of Soledades and other poems, and imitator of Góngora; in the sec. XVIII, Manuel Labardén, who wrote the Siripo, a pseudoclassical drama for the theater ; and finally, in the early 19th century, during the emancipation, Juan Cruz Varela, who composed songs imitated by Horace and Virgil, and tragedies such as Dido and Argía, imitated by Quintana and Alfieri. In reality, that there has been a classic filiation since the colonial era, it is undeniable; and it is easier to detect the analogous romantic filiation, which begins with Esteban Echeverría (1804-1851). Echeverría, a poet born in Buenos Aires, was a self-taught who completed his studies in Paris; took advantage of the teachings of Cousin and Hugo, and, returning to his homeland, began a romantic movement in 1837, which at one time invested political ideas (Socialist dogma), literary theories (Forma y fondo en las obras de imaginación), and poetic creation (La Cautiva and other poems), having repercussions in the novel, in the theater, in criticism, etc., and persisted throughout the century. XIX. Finally, at the end of this century Rubén Darío, the great poet of Spanish America, born in Nicaragua and settled in Argentina, published his books Prosas profanas (poems) and Los raros in Buenos Aires.(criticism), starting a new literary period under the suggestion of French symbolism and, in general, of cosmopolitan symbolism. There were not even a few imitators of Zola or naive realists in the novel and drama. However, these cases and examples are not enough to explain Argentine literature. The terms of pseudoclassicism, romanticism, symbolism applied to Argentine literature are only false labels, from which what is most profound and genuine in national thought escapes.

Like all other literatures, Argentine literature cannot be studied other than in terms of national consciousness, that is, as an ever clearer expression of a national culture and sensibility. The Argentines are indeed children of Europe, but with their own nature and environment and destiny; and nothing better than literature, in its particular tendencies, and in its evolution, documents this autonomy of the new historical character that they are. Already before the century. XVI we find in fact the traces of an indigenous tradition. After the 1500s it mixes with the Spanish popular tradition imported by the colonizers, and the Argentine folklore is born, very rich and varied, with an unmistakable local color. And the same tradition is still the one that dominates the century. XIX, and, Cautiva of Echeverría, the Facundo of Sarmiento, the Martín Fierro of Hernández, the Santos Vega of Obligado, the War Gaucha of Lugones, the Montaraz of Leguizamón, the Mis montañas of González, the Zogoibi of Larreta, the Voz del desierto of Talero, the Pais de la Selva di Rojas, the Secundo Sombra by Güiraldes: typically Argentine books, inseparable from the conscience of the country in which they were born, and therefore dear to the people, who, reading them, recognize themselves in them. This assimilating, transforming, creative autonomy of literature is none other than the very life of the nation in its evolution, from the first moment of its historical origin to the highest and most complex forms of the modern state.

Argentina Literature 3

Argentina Population

Argentina Population

According to, the original populations were, at the time of colonization, in a cultural condition corresponding to the European Neolithic, except for the Diaghiti, sedentary farmers of the North-West, bearers of a civilization similar to that of ancient Peru. The Diaghiti, like the hunters of the Pampas and southern Chaco who adopted the use of the horse (Puelche, Querandí, Mocoví, Abipón), are now extinct, and so are the Araucanians (descended in the 18th century from the Andes to the province of Buenos Aires), as a result of harsh military campaigns during the second half of the 19th century. There are very few residues of Guaraní societies, between Paraná and Uruguay, and of Patagonian and Fuegine societies of the southern territories: in the wooded plains of central and northern Chaco the remains of indigenous societies are more numerous (Mataco, Toba, Pilagá etc.), which retain some original forms of the Chaco culture, with economic prevalence of hunting and fishing, temporary huts, tents and leather cloaks, etc.

In the pre-colonial era the Argentina it had a poor population, because it was unable to exploit the agricultural potential of the territory. Not even the Europeans, at first, showed particular interest in this area, difficult to penetrate (except along the Paraná route) and lacking in mineral wealth. Despite the creation of some strongholds (Santiago del Estero, San Miguel de Tucumán, Córdoba, San Juan, San Luis, still among the major cities of the interior) and the dual foundation of Buenos Aires already in the 16th century., the population of the Argentina it practically only began in the second half of the 19th century, when the industrial revolution created in Europe an ever greater need for food supplies from outside. Accompanied by the progressive extension of the railway network, the colonization of the country attracted immigrants and the residents, who at the beginning of the nineteenth century barely exceeded 300,000 units and at the first official census (1869) were far from 2 million, reaching 8 million in 1914, to arrive at 16 million in 1947 and 40.1 million in the 2010 census.

The most consistent migratory flows came from Italy, which in the period 1857-1929 sent almost 3 million people to Argentina, but considerable Spanish, French, German, Polish, Russian, Arab communities were also formed, while smaller groups came from all over the world. The immigration trend was not constant, both for internal crises and for international contingencies, including the restrictive measures adopted by some of the states towards emigration: thus, in the years 1890-1903 repatriation even exceeded new arrivals, due to the difficult time the primary sector went through, but immediately afterwards (1904-13) an average of 240,000 immigrants per year was reached, which rose to 300,000 in the decade 1921-30. After World War II, the influx from abroad dropped sharply. The result was a rate of demographic increase (1% average per year in the 1998-2003 period) among the lowest in all American countries, with a birth rate of 17.5 ‰ and a death rate of 7.6 ‰; the natural dynamic is now almost entirely responsible for the increase in population and the incidence of migratory movements is almost nil.

The average life expectancy is slightly lower than that of the most advanced countries, having exceeded 75 years (72 for men and 79 for women). The fact that the colonization of the country followed the fan-like expansion of the communication routes, starting from the ‘fulcrum’ of the Río de la Plata, explains the distributional structure of the Argentine population which, compared to an average density of 14.4 residents/km 2, is strongly concentrated in the hinterland of Buenos Aires (where Rosario, Santa Fe and Córdoba have grown enormously) and around some urban nuclei of the north-western regions. The urban population is very large (over 90% in 2003). The gigantism of the federal capital stands out in the urban structure, welcoming in its vast urban agglomeration 12 million residents (in 2007), almost 1/3 of the population of the entire country; but a slow rebalancing is taking place, also as a result of a process of demographic deconcentration hoped for and in part encouraged by the municipal authorities of Bonaire; for the same reasons, the (unrealized) transfer of the federal capital was even planned. However, the asymmetry of the urban network as a whole is evident, very weak in the less inhabited northern and southern areas and in large parts of the Pampa; the Patagonian expanses are almost totally devoid of population (1 residents/km 2), although equipped with huge resources, for the exploitation of which artificial centers have been built, with typical pioneering characteristics. The Catholic religion is dominant.

Argentina Population

Argentina Population and Economy 1998

Argentina Population and Economy 1998


According to, the population of the Argentina it is increasing at rates below the average for Latin American countries; the residents are just over 36.1 million (1998) and have an irregular distribution, so that areas with a very high settlement concentration are counterpointed by almost deserted regions. The most densely packed region is centered on the capital, which with its metropolitan area, the so-called Greater Buenos Aires, hosts almost a third of the total population. On the other hand, there are areas with low or very low population density such as the western Pampa, a large part of Chaco, the Andean regions and Patagonia. Almost 90% of Argentines live in cities and in recent times there has been a change in internal migrations, which are gradually affecting the gigantism of the capital, but not that of its enormous gravitational area.

In fact, the attractiveness of the historic area of ​​Buenos Aires appears to be less and less, and indeed a process of demographic deconcentration is underway, as many leave the capital to settle in the peripheral areas of the metropolitan area. Public authorities tend to encourage this phenomenon through forms of relocation of production activities and through the strengthening of the communications system. However, the dominance of Buenos Aires heavily influenced the urban armor, as it limited the formation of other metropolises, so that only two other cities exceed one million residents. (Córdoba, in the preandina belt, a commercial and industrial center, and Rosario, an important port and seat of processing industries). Notable cities are also Mendoza, La Plata and San Miguel de Tucumán.

Economic conditions

Argentina is a rather advanced country, despite the fact that strong social and territorial imbalances remain within it and despite the framework of economic indicators present a rather heterogeneous situation; there. it is, among the South American countries, the one which, in recent years, has established the most intense and close relations with the European Union.

At the end of the Eighties the economic situation went through a serious moment of precariousness, with a scenario characterized by a high rate of inflation, a contraction of the GDP, heavy indebtedness with foreign countries; as a result, there have been capital flight abroad, collapse of foreign investment and a sharp decline in per capita income. The advent of President CS Menem marked the start of a phase of economic restructuring, through the implementation of a reformist policy, in an attempt to give the country political stability and economic development. In a few years the industries and state services have been dismantled; massive privatizations of state-owned companies (telephone, gas, rail, air and oil) have been launched; a liberal path was pursued, with openings to the market and the removal of customs barriers to push industrial entrepreneurs to modernize and rationalize themselves in comparison with foreign countries; in addition, the peso was reintroduced, a revalued currency equal to the US dollar, and a strict policy was launched to combat inflation.between 1991 and 1997 it almost tripled.

However, the economic recovery plan was not without its drawbacks and required high social costs. The transformation has mainly affected the middle class: even though the inflation rate is now under control, and labor productivity has significantly increased, real wages have not grown as much, remaining substantially stable. In fact, there has been an increase in the unemployment rate, as have social inequalities. The tightening is very evident in the urban context, where the distance between the poor, who live in the villas miserias, appears ever greater., and the wealthy classes, who live in luxurious residential neighborhoods. Similarly, the economic, social and labor policy of the early 1990s penalized the weakest and most peripheral regions, favoring the strongest and most central ones, except for limited urban areas and industrial development: so that the gap between the the Andean region, the Chaco and the western Pampa, compared to the Pampa húmeda, seat of a rational, technologically advanced agriculture, and Patagonia, the frontier of oil where some new refining plants were born.

The primary sector still plays an important role in the Argentine economy, and agricultural and mineral resources are key in exports. The country excels in cereal production (wheat and corn), which has been encouraged in recent years, above all to meet the growing demand of farmers who use it as fodder; oil plants are also growing strongly, in particular soybeans, of which Argentina it is one of the largest producers in the world; the zootechnical sector continues to be of great importance, with production of beef and wool. Among the mineral resources, natural gas, oil and uranium stand out, flanked by metal ores (iron, lead, zinc, silver and manganese); in the energy field, major developments have taken place in hydroelectric production, considering that a large part of the energy currently arrives from the power stations located on the Paraná and Uruguay rivers. The industrial apparatus is rather diversified, with a prevalence of the petrochemical, steel and metallurgical sectors. Even today, the main national industries are concentrated in the Buenos Aires metropolitan region. (V. fig.).

Between 1990 and 1997 some infrastructures and energy and mining exploitation projects of particular importance were undertaken, and the economic-territorial program 1995 – 99provides for a further extension. In particular, the national development plan emphasizes both the improvement and expansion of urban and suburban aqueducts and the construction of plants for the conveyance and treatment of waste water in all the main metropolitan areas and in the peripheral regions of Chubut (Comodoro Rivadavia), Santa Cruz and the extreme North-East region (Misiones). Significant works are also underway for the sewerage system. The urban suburbs of Greater Buenos Aires are interested in the water and sewage project, which attempts to cope with sometimes very precarious conditions. For electricity, the expansion or construction of 6 large water plants, 9 thermal power plants and a new nuclear power plant (Atuchaii), which is added to the two already existing, and the restructuring of power lines between the Andes, the Río de la Plata estuary (and Buenos Aires) and the Paraná-Uruguay river system. Oil exploration is promising, both in the now traditional submarine area of ​​the South Atlantic, and in the Chaco, Chubut and extreme southern Patagonia, as well as in the Mendoza region where there are already productive oil fields. About one third of the territorial surface and a large part of the marine waters off the coasts (including those included in the ‘Exclusive economic zone’) are ‘offered’ by Argentina to multinational oil companies for prospecting and exploitation agreements. Natural gas production (34,in 1996) is increasing and for 2000 the expansion of the gas pipeline network is expected, which in 1996 was just under 4000 km. The gas extraction areas coincide with those of oil extraction.

The 1995 – 99 development planit also contemplates the restructuring of the central road network, between Buenos Aires, Córdoba, Mendoza, the edge of the Pampa and the Chaco (towards Resistencia and Corrientes). The metropolitan railway network, substantially in Greater Buenos Aires and for La Plata, Lobos, Mercedes, Zarate and Altamirano (extreme centers of the network around the federal capital) is being developed. The port facilities of La Plata, Buenos Aires, the Concepción river port on Uruguay and, further south, Puerto Madryn and Puerto Deseado will be further strengthened. The other major airports, in addition to those in large cities or close to Buenos Aires, are also interested in an expansion plan: for example, Comodoro Rivadavia in the south and Resistencia and Orán in the north. In the end,

Tourism has a certain importance, considering the extraordinary environmental and landscape heritage of which the Argentina disposes. The number of visitors is growing (4, 3 million tourists in 1996), thanks to the development of equipment and communications, which allow you to stay even in areas that were isolated time but exceptionally interesting for landscapes and sports opportunities and ‘adventure’ hiking, such as Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego, some Andean areas, the subtropical river region of Chaco, the upper Paraná, the ‘Argentine Mesopotamia’ (between Paraná and Uruguay). In 1994, there were 115 national protected areas, extending out of 9. 395.400 ha (3, 4 % of the entire land area); there were two World Heritage Sites, five Biosphere Reserves out of 2. 409. 900 ha, and among the wetlands protected according to the Ramsar Convention there was one of 5240 ha.

As for trade, starting from 1995, the year in which MERCOSUR (Mercado Común del Sur) was established, founded together with Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay, the trade balance of the Argentina it has experienced a significant improvement, which however has already disappeared in the years immediately following. Thus, in 1997 the trade deficit was equal to 5.3 billion dollars, largely determined by the imports of plants, required by the strong growth of industrial production (+ 9%) and in particular of the mechanical sector. Most of Argentina’s exports are represented by oil and derivatives, followed by agricultural products (wheat and wheat flour, maize and linseed) and livestock (meat, wool and skins). In 1997 the main supplier countries were Brazil (22.4 % of total imports) and the United States (20 %), while the main export customers were the countries of Latin America (48.1 %)., Brazil (27.8 %) and the countries of the European Union (19.2 %).

The banking system, governed by the central bank (Banco Central), was restructured after the Mexican financial crisis of 1995. The main stock exchange is that of Buenos Aires, the total capitalization, equal to 0.2 % of the world total, places the country in twenty-ninth place in the world ranking. However, in more recent years the Argentine stock market has been affected by the effects of the Asian crisis, particularly sensitive up to 1997, accentuated by the difficulties of Brazil, an important trading partner, and linked above all to the decline in the price of raw materials on the international markets.

Argentina officially includes in its territory for unilateral declaration, two Southern appendages, ie the Islas del Atlántico Sur and Antártida Argentina (the latter extended to 964. 250 km ²), for a total, including Argentina own, of 3. 761. 274 km ². In reality, the sub-Antarctic and Antarctic areas are de facto British: thus the Falkland-Malvinas, Sub-Antarctic South Georgia, South Orkney and South Sandwich (also involved in the 1982 war)between Argentina and the United Kingdom, lost from the first). The claimed sector of Antarctica partly coincides with the British one. Argentina maintains some scientific bases in Antarctica for evident purposes of international geopolitical presence.

Argentina Population and Economy 1998

Argentina Population and Economy 2001

Argentina Population and Economy 2001

South American state. At the 2001 census the population was 36. 260. 130 residents, And 39. 538. 000 according to 2005 estimates. The natural growth rate, which remained among the lowest in Latin America, is around 1.0 % per year, for birth and death rates, respectively, of 16.9 ‰ and 7.5 ‰ (2000 -2005). Infant mortality is progressively decreasing (15 ‰ in 2000-2005), despite the serious impoverishment linked to the dramatic economic crisis of the early 21st century. (see below). The latter was responsible for the migratory flows which, at least temporarily, reversed the traditional character of immigration country held by the Argentina: these flows were directed mainly towards Israel, for the Jewish component of the population, and towards Spain and Italy, in the form of return emigration, involving above all the middle classes, in more serious difficulty in the face of the loss of jobs, and those with a better level of education and professional preparation (researchers, teachers, artists).

Again, the crisis halted that process of decentralization, albeit an embryonic one, which had affected the metropolitan core of Buenos Aires and which could have been a prelude to a strengthening of the peripheral urban framework: the consequences of the financial collapse, despite having unleashed the demonstrations in the capital. more violent and visible through the mass media, they had a harder impact on the peripheral provinces, especially in the North, but also in the Center, where the share of the population dropped below the poverty line exceeded 50 % everywhere, and in some zone reached 80%. Faced with this dramatic situation, the socio-environmental and ethnic issues that had always marked the development of the country temporarily lost their relevance; this, precisely at the moment in which, especially among the younger generations, the awareness of the dignity of indigenous groups – which were finally recognized the rights to land, health and education – was emerging, together with a renewed awareness of the difficult relationship between environment and development.

For this last aspect, the construction of large hydroelectric plants, the excessive exploitation of fish stocks and urban pollution have greatly impoverished the environmental quality. Biodiversity is now concentrated in the North-West, in the Andean region, between the national parks of Calilegua and El Rey, where there are five hundred species of plants and animals including 60 % of birds, but illegal hunting remains difficult to control. while the planned construction of a gas pipeline threatens the peculiar ecosystem of the yungas (tropical Andean valleys); and in Patagonia (v.) where about thirty protected areas feed growing flows of naturalistic tourism.

Economic conditions

According to, the crisis launched a very heavy phase of recession (see also below: economic and financial policy), which, indeed, had its roots in the complex political and social events of the second half of the previous century, both on a global and national scale. However, after a four-year period of depression and despite the fact that it remained a very fragile country, both in economic and political terms, in 2003 promising signs began to appear, the Argentine economy was restarting and GDP was registering a growth rate. equal to 8.8 %, among the highest in the world. It should also be remembered that this increase is calculated in relation to the 2002 result, When the decrease had reached its lowest level (- 10, 9 %). In 2003, GDP in real terms, corresponded to that of 1996 and was less of ‘ 11, 2 % compared to that of 1998, when the best economic results had been achieved. The positive trend continued in 2004, at a slightly slower pace. The closure of a large number of small and medium-sized companies, especially in the capital area, did not prevent strong support for the recovery from the industrial sector (+ 16 % in 2003), whose main sectors remained food, engineering and petrochemicals; while, as often happens after a financial crisis, the construction sector was once again highly dynamic (+ 38 %). The unemployment rate fell to 15 %, although it was necessary to consider that large sections of the active population, especially the middle classes, had to fall back on part-time jobs.

It also gave oxygen to the country, a strong exporter of agricultural products, also the general rise in prices on the international markets of some crops, enhancing emerging productions such as, for example, soy (32 million t in 2004), in addition to traditional ones, cereals and livestock. A significant share (8 %) of exports with a high technological content should be noted. Other macroeconomic indicators could be considered positive: a surplus of the budget amounted to 2, 5 % of GDP and a surplus in the balance of current payments equivalent to 7, 6 % of GDP, while inflation went down and 2004 became less than 5 %. In March of that same year, the country was thus able to repay the debt maturing with the International Monetary Fund (see), even if the government promised the repayment of only a share equal to 25 % of the total debts. accumulated (equal to approximately 95 billion dollars).

In order to ensure a definitive and lasting recovery for the country, the government still had numerous problems to solve, and in particular the energy one. In fact, a significant oil production (over 40 million tons per year) did not guarantee full energy self-sufficiency; on the contrary, the new increase in consumption, linked to the resumption of production activities, tended to increase the deficit. Manufacturing companies complained that energy prices were too low to support investments; on the other hand, limiting internal consumption would have risked jeopardizing the general economic recovery. For this reason, natural gas imports from Bolivia were used and exports to Chile were reduced, while further projects were launched to exploit the large hydroelectric potential, however with a significant environmental impact (see above). Among these, the Yacyretá power plant, on the Paraná river, designed together with Paraguay about thirty years earlier and considered an emblem of the corruption and managerial inability that had led the country adrift: its completion, for which large investments are still required, would bring Argentina’s energy production close to doubling. The river network is also involved in the development of the infrastructural system: the Paraná-Paraguay-Plata waterway project is worthy of note, however, opposed by the concern to offer advantages above all to exports from Brazil and Paraguay.

Before the crisis, significant tourist flows were directed by the Argentina towards neighboring countries (in particular Brazil, Paraguay and Chile), favored by the currency differential; subsequently the movement was reversed, as the prices of Argentine accommodation facilities became highly competitive. For tourism coming from the MERCOSUR area (Mercado Común del Sur) it was mainly short stays, while the Argentina it remained the destination of an intercontinental tourism recalled by the naturalistic and cultural values, as well as by the distant origins of most of the population: it represents a resource to be developed also towards the European continent, while so far the most consistent flows have been those coming from North America.

In the tertiary sector, the country was looking for new credibility, while the problem of regional economic gaps in the use of services remained: these gaps, even more after the crisis, tend to go beyond the classic center-periphery contrast, already particularly accentuated by the weight of the metropolis of Buenos Aires, to translate into a much more complex socio-spatial fragmentation. The widespread impoverishment generated a sort of parallel economy, essentially based on barter, which was exercised through a few thousand alternative shopping centers distributed irregularly throughout the country and which, if it subtracted resources from general taxation, nevertheless allowed the supply of essential goods to the classes. weaker in terms of income.

Argentina Population and Economy 2001

Argentina Population Data

Argentina Population Data

Censuses. – For reasons that are easily revealed even in a summary analysis of Argentine history in the century. XIX, statistical operations are lacking throughout the first half of the century: these are partial censuses or, if general, they reveal some shortcomings which can be explained if we consider the political and social state of the country. The need for a national census, at least for political purposes, was foreseen by the authors of the constitution, who in art. 39 establishes: “For the second legislature a general census will have to be made and the number of deputies determined according to its result; but this census can only be renewed every ten years”.

Nevertheless, the first national census was made in the year 1869 and it had to be in 1895 to make the second, which was followed only nineteen years later, in 1914, by the third, which, for the moment, is the last. The draft of a fourth census was recently presented to Congress for approval, but it did not become law. In spite of their scarce number, the lack of a regular rhythm and some defects, these censuses are precious documents of the Argentine demographic development, which in a few decades underwent a great transformation. There is no lack of calculations, partial statistics, urban censuses (Buenos Aires and Rosario have several) and provincial ones; in recent times there have been two (in 1912 and 1920) of the Territorios nacionales, which due to the extension they cover and the ever increasing importance of the regions, are of great use.

Population increase. – Despite periods of war and civil strife, local or universal economic crises, diseases, Argentina has become more and more populated; the pace has changed in several circumstances, there have been stops and rapid progress, but through momentary differences there is continued progress and true ascension. There are two notable causes: the vegetative increase and the rush of immigrants; more evident phenomenon in the second half of the century. XIX and notable even today for the growing internal order and for the extraordinary economic development.

According to, the cited censuses are the best documents of the phenomenon; by adding other older data, the following picture can be formed, published with the results of the third census:

Few countries can offer such a rapid demographic increase, both absolute and relative, and that speaks much in favor of Argentina’s capacity. The war had a huge impact on demographics as it dealt a serious blow to immigration for several years, but the country’s population made further progress, as shown by the calculation as of December 31, 1926 by the Dirección general de estadística: 10,348,189 residents, of which 9,856,617 in the provinces and 491,572 in the national territories.

From the northern border to the far south, the Argentine territory was inhabited when the Spaniards arrived; but, neither in number nor in culture, the Argentine natives could be compared with those of other parts of America. The differences in culture between one tribe and another were great and the population density was not even uniform between one region and another. The indigenous element was won by the white to whom he ceded almost all the lands; several tribes were dominated without too much difficulty; others, on the other hand, opposed a tenacious resistance that lasted until a few decades ago, but their number was always scarce and the wars fought contributed to reducing it more and more. The pure indigenous people are few in number and live almost lost in Patagonia, in the Chaco and in the Andean valleys of the NO. Those who came into contact with the Whites, those who were subdued in the first moment of the conquest or in the following centuries, almost all crossed paths with the whites, fully accepting their customs and ideas. The tribes that still have a more or less wild life live almost entirely in the territories of Chaco and Formosa, and are counted in 36,000 individuals. They tend to disappear from the diseases that reap them, or to merge with the rest of the population, as has happened in the rest of the country. Article 16 of the constitution says: “The Argentine nation does not admit prerogatives of blood or birth, in it there are no personal privileges, nor titles of nobility. All residents are equal before the law”.

In summary, Argentina is a country of absolute dominance of the white population, since the pure and mestizo indigenous constitutes only a small minority.

Another non-white demographic element is represented by the Negroes, who descend from slaves imported from Africa, during the colonial era, who were all emancipated in the first decades of independence. They lived particularly in the coastal zone, but they were never so numerous as in some other part of the continent; later, the lack of new and continuous immigrations and the influence of wars made it less important than its absolute importance and much more its relative importance, in the face of the grandiose increase of the white element. The censuses are silent as to their number, since, as has been said, they do not establish differences of race. The Negroes also gave rise to significant crossings.

In recent times another race has appeared, the Mongolian one; but so far the number of its representatives, who are found especially in large cities, is very limited. The 1914 census gives: 462 Chinese and 1,007 Japanese.

The Argentine population, practically all white, is of European origin, distant or immediate, since Asian or African whites constitute a tiny minority. Among the Europeans, the Latins predominate, particularly the Italians and the Spaniards.

Argentina Population Data

Argentina Population Distribution and Density

Argentina Population Distribution and Density

In Argentina the population is very irregularly distributed and every census has made the phenomenon clear; although certain regions are populating with some rapidity and therefore become similar to others, the differences are too significant for them to disappear in the immediate future, and perhaps they will never disappear, such and many are the causes on which they depend.

Here are two statistical frameworks that allow us to compare the population and its increase in the provinces, grouped according to the most common classification:

As can be seen, the relative increase is not uniform, indeed there are very large differences; for example between Catamarca and Santa Fe. The increase in some provinces is so tenuous that the absolute and relative increase in the territory of La Pampa, which in 1869 was still occupied by the Indians, was greater.

According to, the population density is very low, as it does not yet reach four residents per square kilometer. Compared to the European one and particularly to the Italian one, there is a difference in the larger ones; it will still be a long time before the figures get closer.

Regarding the distribution of density, it is easy to see that highly populated areas can be contrasted with other uninhabited or almost uninhabited areas; here are some examples: the province of Buenos Aires (without counting the federal capital which, due to its proximity, could be included) has 9 residents per square kilometer, and so is Santa Fe; Tucumán occupies the first place, as its density surpasses 15; on the other hand, other provinces are more uninhabited; for example, Catamarca does not get to have 2 and La Rioja has a little less than 1. These two are not yet the least populated regions; it is easy to find lower indexes: in Tierra del Fuego, each resident corresponds to more than 8 km; one resident for 15 sq. km. in Santa Cruz, and in the territory of Los Andes there are more than 35 sq km per resident.

But if this procedure is almost correct for some areas; for others, the index is theoretical and gives an idea that does not correspond to the truth; in effect, as we have seen for the whole republic, there are too many differences between one part of a province or another for one to speak of uniform distribution. There are many causes of this diversity, for or against: very high mountains, rocky soil, sandy soils, salinas, marshy regions, scarce rainfall, fertile land, ease of communication, lack of historical development, etc. In the province of Mendoza, the irrigated areas and cultivated with vineyards and orchards are densely inhabited and centralize almost the entire population, while the rest of the province, despite its immensity, is practically uninhabited. In the territory of the Río Negro, the influence of the river of the same name is noted, which centers a high percentage of residents, and something similar happens on the railway line from San Antonio to Nahuel Huapí. Among the arid mountains of the northwest it is immediately observed that the greatest density (and sometimes the only notable population) corresponds to the bottom of the irrigated valleys or to the mines. But where the Argentine population is more numerous, from an absolute and relative point of view (we are talking about extensive regions and not limited places) it is in the Pampean area, and this is also the region of greater uniformity in distribution; fact due to climatic, topographical, economic and social causes. Nonetheless, several differences can be established: the land destined for cattle breeding has a lower density than the others, because this type of economic exploitation requires little labor; denser is the population of agricultural lands; but even in these, if agriculture is extensive (as is almost always the case), the index remains very low. Instead, in the intensively cultivated lands and in the industrial and commercial areas, where urban life marks one of the main characteristics, we have a great density, as along the Plata and the right bank of the Paraná up to the Salado. Therefore, a map of the density for provinces and territories would not even be approximate; a more exact study made by Delachaux; but, since his writing dates back to 1905, it is now antiquated and has an exclusively historical value; do not forget the rapidity of changes that the population of Argentina undergoes.

Argentina Population Distribution and Density

Argentina Population Migration

Argentina Population Migration

In 1810 – the year in which the small Euro-Argentine society, pro-European by race and mentality, inspired by the principles of the French Revolution, imported by its distinguished men such as Rodriguez Peña, Belgrano, Moreno, Alberdi, opposed the spirit of the Spanish conquerors, of which after the revolution he declared the dominion lapsed – the Argentine population consisted of 720,000 residents divided as follows, according to the approximate calculation of José Ingenieros: Mestizos 421,000; Indî 210,000; Mulattos 60,000; Negroes 20,000; European whites 6000; National whites 3000. The men of the revolution immediately took care to attract European emigration by radically modifying the Spanish colonial regime, opposed to foreigners. But the tiny minority of those who made the gaucha, whose collapse was marked by the battle of Caseros, in 1852, with the consequent fall of the tyranny of Rosas. In 1852, the Argentine population was made up of 800,000 men, divided as follows: Mestizos 553,000; Mulatties 110,000; Indî 100,000; Negroes 15,000; National whites 15,000; European whites 7000. These latest figures indicate that in that forty years, despite the efforts of a glorious minority, emigration did not proceed towards the Plata.

According to, in 1852 the constitution was signed, inspired by Alberdi’s famous motto: “In America, government is popular”. All attempts were made to attract emigrants and in the decade from 1857 – the year in which the compilation of statistics began in Argentina in 1867, 93,795 Europeans entered the country, of which only 10,000 Spaniards. In 1868 the presidency of Sarmiento began and immigration increased until it reached an average of 30,805 people per year, with a total, up to 1874, of 215,637 immigrants. Among these were the first Italian contingents, who occupied the first place, followed at a distance by the Spanish and French ones, and who gave life to the agricultural colonies, founded a few years earlier, of Santa Fe and Entre Ríos. In 1873 the first export of wheat from Argentina for a total of 5 tons. From 1875 to 1880 the average number of immigrants decreased to 21,752 per year, with a total, over the six years, of 130,513. This decrease was partly due to the unfavorable internal economic and political situation of the country. In the period from 1881 to 1890 immigration increased significantly, encouraged by the government which in the years 1888, 1889 and 1890 made the experiment, later abandoned, of advancing the price of the trip to those who wished to emigrate to Argentina. The figures for these nine years, which coincide with the principle of Italian transoceanic emigration on a large scale, give, according to the data collected by the Argentine sociologist Alejandro Bunge, a total emigration of 841,122 men, against 203,455 returned to Europe, with a balance in favor of Argentina of 637. 667 people. Italian statistics give a total of 39,503 emigrants to Argentina for these nine years. Agricultural and livestock industries developed and exports began, which in 1884 increased to 108,499 tons of wheat and which, increasing according to an annual average of 30%, caused an excess of optimism due to crazy expenses and increased debts.

In 1890 the economic and political crisis broke out, which caused immigration to descend in 1891 to 28,666 people against 72,380 who returned to Europe, with a balance against Argentina of 44,114 people.

The Italians who adapt best to the environment are however, as true migrants, the most sensitive to the economic crises of the country where they settle, and in such periods we see them repatriating in large numbers, with a higher percentage than all the others. contingent, less adaptable but heavier and more resigned. In 1895, Italian immigration to Argentina decreased by 75% from one year to the next; in the crises of 1890 there was a real exodus, and in 1891 only 15,511 Italians entered Argentina against 57,920 returned, with a balance in favor of the latter of 42,409 people. After the panic, immigration is slowly increasing, and in the years from 1892 to 1903 the Argentine statistics accuse the entry into the country of 843,446 people, of which according to the statistics of the Kingdom 517,389 are Italians. After deducting 389,292 people returned to Europe, there is an average annual balance in favor of Argentina of 37,789 people and a total of 453,477 people for the last 12 years, which were those of the reorganization of the internal situation after the 1890 crisis. Railways and roads increase, agriculture and pastoralism increase, and that extraordinary period for emigration to the Plata begins which, from 1904 to 1913, marks the average annual entry into the country of 239,197 people for a total of 2,391.879, and – after deducting 907,814 returnees – with a balance in favor of Argentina of 1,484,165 people, of which about half are Italians. In this period, the phenomenon of the Argentines called there is an average annual balance in favor of Argentina of 37,789 people and a total of 453,477 people for the last 12 years, which were those of the reorganization of the internal situation after the crisis of 1890. Railways and roads, agriculture and pastoralism increases, and that extraordinary period begins for emigration to the Plata which, from 1904 to 1913, marks the average annual entry into the country of 239,197 people for a total of 2,391,879, and – after deducting 907,814  returned – with a balance in favor of Argentina of 1,484,165 people, of which about half are Italians. In this period, the phenomenon of the Argentines called the emigración golondrina, that is “swallow emigration”, made up of Italian farmers who came in the months of October, November and December, a time of South American harvest and agricultural stagnation in Italy, taking advantage of the reduced price of the passage on the steam of the companies then competing, they worked intensely, and returned home in the months of May and June with the accumulated savings.

The Argentine national census of 1914 reported on 7,885,237 residents, 2,357,952 foreigners, a degree of cosmopolitanism that worried especially because, since all immigrants were of working age, it derived that out of 2,200,000 male residents over 20 years old, over half, 1,150,000, were foreigners. A principle of unemployment and the declaration of war, which recalled the reservists of every country to arms, meant that from 1914 to 1919 the number of returnees, overall for this period of 480,840, was always higher than the number of immigrants, in all of 266,665, with a balance against Argentina of 214,175 people. In the 5 years of the war, 6357 Italians entered Argentina against 161.151 who returned to Italy, partly for military obligations. As for the figures of Italians, the statistics of the Kingdom are not in agreement with the Argentine ones nor could they be completely since, while the former contemplate the movement between Italy and Argentina, the latter concern the movement of Italians from wherever they come and wherever they go, with Argentina. After the war, immigration to the Plata resumed with new vigor and in the period 1920-1926 829,860 immigrants entered the country, against 346,343 returned, with a balance in favor of Argentina of 583,417 people. Overall, therefore, from 1857 to 1926, a total of 5,741,653 immigrants entered Argentina, of which the Italians, according to the aforementioned Bunge calculations, represent 47.36% with 2,718,190 people. Followed by the Spaniards with 32, -27%, the French with 4%, the Russians with 3%, etc.

Italians who emigrated to Argentina.

The fact of the emigration of individuals of the same nationality remains an indifferent phenomenon until the moment in which immigrants in a particular country or region become a collective force: material, intellectual and moral force, well framed in the evolution of the people. in the midst of which they live, organize and distinguish themselves.

Under these two essential aspects it is necessary to study the phenomenon of Italian emigration to the Rio della Plata.

Argentina Population Migration

Argentina Population Migration – Colonial Period

Argentina Population Migration – Colonial Period

In the crews of the expeditions organized by Juan Díaz de Solís, Sebastiano Caboto and Pedro de Mendoza there were many Italian sailors who reached the Rio della Plata, since, in regard to Caboto, as the historian José Toribio Medina documents, the orders of Charles V, who wanted, at most, up to a third of foreigners in the army, “and since in that recruitment there were not enough Spaniards, so it was necessary to tolerate the excess, otherwise the departure of the army had to be suspended, something under no tolerable concept “. And the chroniclers tell that the subsequent expeditions found in the consequent explorations, individuals who had remained in the lands discovered by those that had preceded them. Gonzolo Fernández y Valdez, “primer chronicler of the Nuevo Mundo”, in the Historia general y natural de los Indios (chap. XII, p. 202) says that Irala “taking Asunción, found the Timbus who killed the forty Christians and took back a young man, Calderoncin, through whom they made peace “. In the volume of E. Zuccarini, The work of the Italians in the Argentine Republic, 1516-1910, the names of the Italians who participated in the Caboto expedition were transcribed. With the Mendoza expedition several Italians reached the Rio della Plata. Among them was Bernardo Centurione, quatralvo of the prince Andrea Doria’s galleys, and Leonardo Gribeo, according to E. Madero, who in the Historia del puerto de Buenos Aires, making a list of the founders of that city, he adds a note to the name of Lazzaro Gribeo to say that “he was the son of Leonardo Gribeo, an Italian, who came with Pedro de Mendoza”.

According to, three years had passed since the founding of the Port of Santa Maria in Buenos Aires, when the Pancalda, a Genoese ship bearing the name of its captain, Leone Pancaldo, arrived there and they came with him, says Ruiz Díaz de Guzmán in Argentina (chap. XVII, pp. 86-88) other Italian nobles who were Pier Antonio de Aquino, Tommaso Rizzo and Battista Troce. From the octaves of the poem La Argentina by Barco de Centenera, we learn that, together with these people, Gibaldo – soldado genovés – and Grimaldo – de su nación, discretos dos varones reached the Rio della Plata.

From the note given to the report drawn up in Cadiz on 2 December 1549, on board the ship captain of the expedition of Álvaro Núñez Cabeza de Vaca, it is known that Leonardo Fragoneto of Naples, Francesco Interidro Gambarotta of Genoa, Giacomo di Corneido Gedeca Italian went with him, Sebastiano Gianares of Genoa, Scipione Grimaldo (partner of Leone Pancaldo, who went to accommodate his shops), Verti of Lucca, Bartolomeo Sibori of Genoa, Giovanni of Naples sailor, Luigi of Venice sailor, Diego di Orve from Rome.

In 1601 a certain Francesco de Vitoria presented himself to the competent authorities of Buenos Aires asking him to be assigned a house to open a school that Buenos Aires did not have, saying that Christian doctrine would be taught there, to read, to write and to do accounts; for which the residents would pay a monthly peso for each pupil who only wanted to learn to read and two pesos for the others who also wanted to learn to write and to count (E. Trelles, Registro estadístico del estado de Buenos Aires, 1850, p. 15). This de Vitoria, due to the spelling of the surname, must have been Italian.

In 1714 a Paolo della Quadra was an alcalde from a district of Buenos Aires. In 1779 the Tribunal of the Protomedicate was founded and Francesco Bruno Rivarola, an Italian from Liguria, was called to participate. In 1782 he made the furniture of the viceroy Juan José de Vertiz, Giovanni Cansi, also from Liguria, whose shop, according to the guides, remained in via San Martín until 1888.

A large group of Italian emigrants to the Rio della Plata provided the Society of Jesus. Among the best known are: Giuseppe Cataldino da Fabriano in the Marche, who, with Simone Mazeta, founded the missions of Paraguay; Giovanni Dario, Neapolitan; Giovanni Battista Ferrufino; Giovanni Guglielmo di Tempio in Sardinia, who was one of the seven stars of the hand of Jesus, as Mancini called the seven Sardinian Jesuits missionaries in the Rio della Plata provinces.

In the Buenos Aires census, carried out in 1774, the number of Italians is indicated as follows: I Quartiere: 2 Italians – shopkeepers; III District: 2 Italians -1 shopkeeper, 1 without specification; IV District: 5 Italians – 4 owners, 1 farmer; VIII District: 1 Italian shopkeeper.

In the land registry carried out in Buenos Aires in 1768 there are registered several properties belonging to Italians.

The Azara in the 1st volume of the Descripción é historia del Paraguay y del Río de la Plata (Asunción del Paraguay 1886), on p. 140, speaking of cultivated plants, he writes: “there they call apricots damasks, whose origin is as follows: Antonio el Choricero (the Sausage maker), who was Italian, brought from his country a box with seeds of cabbage and lettuce, among which he found two apricot pits which he did not recognize, but sowed them in my time and all the apricot trees there are derived from them “.

In 1804 the viceroy Sobremonte ordered that all foreigners residing in Buenos Aires presented themselves to the alcaldes of their respective neighborhoods to be registered, and from the published documents it emerges that there were 94 Italians.

There is no space to detect all the curiosities that this registration offers, but it is necessary to infer that it was ordered to verify how many and which foreigners had a residence permit, which is indispensable according to the prescriptions issued by SM and by the members of the Chamber of the Indies.

Among those sentenced to expulsion there are several Italians registered, including Giacomo Perfumo, a natural from Genoa, and Filippo Corbero of the same origin, registered in the district n. 2. These individuals, according to the decree, had arrived “with certain ships, which had brought slaves, and must return precisely with them, with the warning that, if they fail to do so, they will be led at their expense in the same form as the others who do not belong to the crews of said vessels or of others who have come with another destiny “.

To understand the state of affairs well, it is useful to transcribe the declarations made by these two Italians to their respective alcalde. Giacomo Perfumo said he was born in Genoa, was a Catholic, celibate and had lived in the city for thirteen years, exercising the office of coffee maker. It seems they were individuals linked by common interests, given that Filippo Corbero declared that he was born in Genoa, that he was a Catholic and celibate, that he had resided in the city for two years exercising the profession of a coffee maker.

Others do not even indicate the reason for the expulsion but their protests are recorded. Among those expelled, one, the Genoese Antonio Peneoj cook, was dead; Edmondo Orgoman of Livorno had arrived with royal permission; the Bolonesi violin professor Andrea of ​​Genoa had not presented himself to make any declaration whatsoever.

During the years 1805 and 1807, as a measure of public security, foreigners domiciled in the various urban districts were called to report to their respective alcaldes to declare their personal conditions. Those were the times of the English invasions and the subsequent revenge. Of the few Italians expelled, two, Giovan Battista Regis and Giacomo Espocio (Esposito) were already included in the first call.

In 1809 a new census of foreigners residing in Buenos Aires was carried out and proceeded with great secrecy. There are 57 Italians registered; however, judging by what the alcalde of district n. 8 to the cabildo (comune), that is, that “many names are lacking in consideration of the secret with which the ecc. Mo viceroy orders this operation to be carried out”, the small number of foreigners and Italians in particular, must be attributed to said measure. Remember that it was in August 1809, that is, a few months after the revolution of May 1810.

These assumptions are largely justified by what Dr. Luis R. Gondra, in his work Las ideas económicas de Manuel Belgrano, in this regard: “During the eighteenth century numerous royal coupons repeated in vain that the closure of the port of Buenos Aires was strictly maintained and that foreigners who stopped there; because, against the will of the monarch, the interests that a historical tendency and a geographical necessity had imposed prevailed. In spite of the prohibitions, the foreigners returned and the traffic was renewed with the means that invented the greed of the merchants and corruption of local authorities “.

Argentina Population Migration - Colonial Period

Argentina Population Migration – Independence Period

Argentina Population Migration – Independence Period

In August 1810, one of the first administrative acts of the provisional government that arose from the revolution, was the census of the city of Buenos Aires, but of the twenty districts into which the city was divided, only 14 registers remain, the others having been lost.

Here are the data concerning Italians, as they were published by Trelles in the Registro estadístico del estado de Buenos Aires year 1859, since in vol. XII of the Documentos para la historia Argentina there are the general summaries without the nationality of the Europeans.

According to, the summary of this census includes: Italians, 61 men; 3 women. Men: 56 whites, 4 blacks, one without ranking. Professions: 1 supplier, 1 pharmacist, 2 carpenters, 5 merchants, 1 confectioner, 1 colonel, 2 shop assistants, 1 clerk, 7 farm owners (estancias), 3 blacksmiths, 1 boatman, 1 sailor, 2 shopkeepers (pulperos) , 1 sergeant, 1 drum major, 2 tailors, 1 soldier, 31 without ranking: total, 64.

The population of Buenos Aires in 1810 amounted to approximately 45,000 residents, in which Europeans were in the following proportions: Spaniards 1669, French 151, English 124, Italians 64, Portuguese 296, unspecified 207.

Certainly the number of Italians must have been higher than that recorded, and because the data for six neighborhoods are missing and because agriculture was in their hands around the city.

In this regard it should be remembered that the retired colonel Estanislao Maldones wrote in 1911 a booklet dedicated to Los Italianos en Catamarca – short noticia sobre su acción en la provincia, where we read: “The first Italian of whom we find news in the official chronicle is a Mr. Antonio Tabagni, from Rome, a miner, who asked for permission to taste in the hill of Ambato and the municipality granted it to him in the weekly session of 25 August 1810. It has not been possible to find other clues about this person, which leads us to believe that his passage through the province was fleeting. Shortly afterwards, Mr. Carlo Bracchieri, also from Rome, arrived and founded an elementary school in the district of Santa Cruz, now Valle Viejo Department. He also practiced the art of healing with the hydropathic system. A man of good condition, a fervent Catholic, he became part of an Argentine family by marriage, marrying a daughter in 1818, and his eighth son, born in August 1827, still lives:is Mrs. Adeodata Bracchieri, widow of Ulibarri, also of Italian origin, but born in the country “.

All these Italians established in the Rio della Plata entered into various relationships there, and some formed their own family there, exercising profession, employment, trade or humble trades there. Several also became owners of urban and rural assets; however, between them they did not manage to create a bond that could give prominence, even ideally, to their respective nationality, which in Europe did not have a basis and political power. Therefore, if in this social milieu they had any influence, it was only individual.

To find some concrete and certain data, we need to go back to the times in which the truly civil influence of Bernardino Rivadavia predominated, who, sent to Europe to obtain from those states the recognition of the independence of the United Provinces of the Rio della Plata, for which what he signed the trade treaty with England, he met several Italian political emigrants, men of science and letters in Paris and London, some of whom were invited to go to Buenos Aires to carry out their activities there. The first Italian immigrants were the journalist Pietro De Angelis and the scientists Pietro Carta Molina and Carlo Ferraris.

De Angelis came first and founded the Crónica, which saw the light on March 3, 1827, to defend the government’s liberal policy; but when Rivadavia fell, the journalist also became Manuel Rosas’ secretary. It is easy to understand how, for this reason, the name of Pietro De Angelis is not remembered either with pleasure or honor; however, he was able to earn the title of Bricklayers of the Argentine Republic with the Colección de obras y documentos para la historia antigua y Moderna de las provincias del Rio de la Plata.

Carta Molina came to occupy the chair of experimental physics, to which he was appointed by decree of 10 April 1826. He organized the relative laboratory with the cooperation of Carlo Ferraris, who was his assistant, and began lessons on 17 June 1827. Rivadavia fell and with it the liberal party, the Charter, finding itself uneasy, resigned in March 1829, devoting himself to the practice of medicine. Fabrizio Mossotti was appointed to replace him, who had been called in 1828 to direct the astronomical observatory. He taught until 1834, when, when Caturegli died, he was called to replace him at the University of Bologna.

In this way, in the times when Italy was still a geographical expression, Italian scientific thought penetrated the University of Buenos Aires, and the memory that one of the best disciples, Juan Maria Gutiérrez, to understand how much intellectual and moral effectiveness their teaching and example had on that generation.

From December 6, 1829 to February 3, 1852 Buenos Aires and all the Argentine provinces remained under the dictatorship of Juan Manuel Rosas, who prohibited immigration and the free navigation of the river. Nevertheless, several Italians settled in Buenos Aires, such as Bartolomeo Denegri di Zoagli, Francesco Martini from Genoa, Giuseppe Muratori, who later became admiral of the Argentine army, and many others who, with very serious risk, helped the cause of the salvojes unitarios., cooperating to make them flee to Montevideo, which had become the bulwark of freedom and where many Italian political emigrants, duce Garibaldi and organizer Anzani, formed the Italian legion, distinguished in many facts of arms and covered with glory in Sant’Antonio del Salto, also supplying the crews that under Garibaldi’s orders faced the army of Rosas commanded by Brown, from 1843 to 1848.

But it is also certain that in 1829, with a decree signed by Brown and JM Paz, the Battalion of the Friends of the Order was established in Buenos Aires, to which all foreigners, except the British and North Americans, were obliged to enlist. Many Italians enrolled there: as second lieutenant of the 8th company there was Carlo Ferraris, director of the physics laboratory and founder of the Natural History Museum of Buenos Aires.

Argentina Population Migration - Independence Period

Argentina Public Finance

Argentina Public Finance

From 1910 to 1926 in the Argentine Republic, as in other civilized countries, a continuous increase in public expenditure is observed, nor could it have otherwise occurred in a new nation, with an not fully developed economy, in which the state has many functions to perform in order to the economic, intellectual and moral progress of its residents.

Thus the budget of the federal state, which in the year of the centenary of national independence authorized tax expenses of $ m / n 266.964.780 reaches the sum of $ m / n 687.246.78 in 1924. This increase is it produced in an accentuated way in the period 1910-1914, an era of prosperity and progress for the republic; from 1915 to 1919, the estimated expenses decrease, due to the economic imbalances produced by the European war, to grow again in the period 1920-1924:

Almost half of the political expenditure includes defense expenditure (war and navy). Of the increase costs, public works and public education absorb the most: from 1910 to 1924 they reached a total of $ m / n 2,579,550,530 and represent 37.70% of the total national public expenditure budgeted for the same years. Expenditure on public education, corresponding to the same period, reached a total of $ m / n 2,579,054,421; free and compulsory primary education contributes primarily to the increase in these expenses. The financial expenses, which concern the collection, supervision and investment of the rents, and the services of the public debt, have had, in the years studied, the same increase as the political and incremental expenses.

We will recall that the figures quoted above are nominal, and do not reflect the actual increase in national estimates, since fluctuations in the purchasing power of the currency are not considered. They also do not include the expenses of the autonomous institutions of the nation (National Council of Education, State Railways: Health Works, Banco della Nation, Mortgage Bank, National Postal Savings Bank, National Commission of Cheap Homes, etc., except for the part of these charged to the nation), which in 1922 reached about $ m / n 100,000,000.

According to, the federal state’s revenue from its territorial state property and other assets includes the following items, and totaled $ m / n 1,741,000 in 1910 and $ m / n 2,391,000 in 1924.

The national revenues corresponding to the commercial and industrial property of the state add up to $ n / n 49,947,000 in 1910 and $ m / n 83,010,000 in 1924 and include the following items and sums:

National revenue from functions and services, affecting the state as such, and which reaches a sum of $ 2,703,000 in 1910 and $ 7,329,000 in 1924, is:

The importance of Argentina’s national land taxes; on agricultural and livestock production; on trade, industry and professions; on consumption; on civil, commercial and judicial acts, and on succession – can be seen from the following table.

The land tax, which is applied in the city of Buenos Aires and in the national territories, is called territorial contribution, and its proceeds are divided between the national treasury, the national education council and the municipalities of the federal capital and national territories. The export duties on agricultural livestock production and thus the taxes on trade, industry and professions in the federal capital and in the national territories with licenses, are distributed in the same way as the territorial contributions. Consumption is burdened by import duties (additional import duty 2 and 7%, surcharge of 25% and statistics fees, which constitute a real tax, since their amount is much greater than the cost of the service) and taxes internal on tobacco, alcohol, alcoholic drinks, perfumes, specific, medicines, jewels, playing cards, artificial drinks and matches. Internal taxes are distributed between the national treasury and the subsidy fund. The following tables illustrate the classification of the articles according to the foreign trade statistics; the performance of each group and the proportion of each to the total; the revenue, the proportion of the total and the increase in internal taxes, corresponding to the years 1910 and 1924.

Taxes on civil, commercial and judicial documents include those on stamped paper for administrative and judicial procedures, travel tickets and insurance. The national tax applicable to inheritances in the federal capital and in the national territories is entirely devolved to the National Education Council.

The Argentine Republic had and needs for its normal development two great factors of progress, labor and capital: workers to populate, under the protection of its fundamental charter, its territory of nearly three million square kilometers; capital for the increase of its incipient industries, and for the construction of ports, canals, railways, roads, sanitary works, etc. Hence the importance of loans, especially those contracted abroad, for the Argentine economy and finances.

From 1910 to 1924, the expenses of the internal and external public debt reached the sum of $ m / n 1,532,979,117.

Out of a total financial expenditure of $ 1,731,204,318, corresponding to the years 1910-1924, the national public debt figures for $ 1,532,979,117, that is about 88%; and absorbs 22.41% of the total amount of budgeted expenses in the same period, which reaches $ 6,834,541,039.

The consolidated national debt and the free float rose overall in 1910 to $ 1,113,845,000, or $ 191 per resident, and in 1922 to $ 2,187,710,000, or $ 243 per resident.

In recent years the floating debt and the consolidated debt then reached, separately, the following figures:

The sizeable increase in subsidized debt has its origin in large part in the budget deficits that have arisen over the past three decades. In fact, the sums collected and those spent during the years from 1910 to 1925 produced the previous balances which increased the floating debt to the current figure; its consolidation and its reduction to a minimum is of interest to the national government.

The Argentine monetary system is based on two fundamental laws: the monetary law of November 5, 1881 and that, called the conversion law, of November 4, 1899. The first, which created the weight (of 1.6129 gr. Of gold of 0, 900 fine, the gold one, and 25 grams of Agrigento also with a fineness of 0,900 fine, the silver one), declared the minting of gold to be unlimited and fixed, for each resident, a maximum of four pesos for silver coins and twenty-five for copper coins, it had a short duration, since paper money, first introduced in small quantities and as a premium on gold, gradually eliminated metal coins from circulation, and in 1886 the compulsory tender was declared. This was followed by one of the most serious crises that Argentina has gone through, called the crisis of progress, during which gold was quoted up to 400% above paper money; and only when trust returned to reign in the nation, the law of conversion, the work of the eminent statesman Dr. Carlo Pellegrini, intervened to stabilize the paper weight at a value of 44 gold centavos, which was equivalent to a type of conversion of 227.2727% for the weight gold. The silver divisional coin was replaced with small denomination tickets, later replaced by nickel coins of equal value.

The gold weight is indicated with the initials $ o / s (gold sold “gold with the brand”), while the initials $ m / n (moneda nacional) or $ c / l (curso legal) are used for the paper weight.

Argentina Public Finance

Turkey Arts and Music

Turkey Arts and Music


According to TOPSCHOOLSINTHEUSA, the most ancient products of Turkish art are goldsmiths and gold trimmings, already in use before the Christian era among the populations of the regions close to the Altai: they are generally called Scythians (fibulae etc., in the shape of stylized animals, worked cantilever). Textile art soon reached artistic level, both in the canvases for the decoration of the curtains and in the carpets. It is in these two fields that Turkey has made the greatest contribution to Islamic art, bringing a strong tendency to decoration since the 9th century. and with greater force from the 11th (➔ islam). In the Ottoman period, art and architecture were able to merge the experiences of previous eras by expressing themselves in original ways (➔ Ottoman, Empire).

The opening towards the West began in the 19th century. with the development, in painting, of new genres for Turkish culture (landscape, still life, study of the human figure): to remember Ahmet Paşa and S. Seyyit and above all O. Hamdi, director since 1881 of the Ottoman Imperial Museum and of Academy, founded in 1883 in İstanbul, the city leads even after the creation of the republic. The Association of Ottoman Painters, since 1917 Association of Turkish Painters, of which N. Güran was a member, with the magazine Naşir-i Efkâr («Promoter of ideas»), organized exhibitions, from 1923, also in Ankara. In 1933, group D, founded by N. Berk, was at the forefront of the avant-garde in Turkey while an interesting project sent artists to the various provinces.

In addition to cultural events such as the International Biennial of İstanbul and the Asia-Europe Biennial of Ankara, an important role in supporting contemporary art in Turkey has been played by both private galleries and institutions and exhibition centers such as the Center for Contemporary Art BM (1984) and the Museum of Contemporary Art (1992) in İstanbul. The attention to western expressive modes, from abstraction to pop art, from minimalism to conceptual art, and at the same time a recovery of tradition and the exploration of the border between East and West, have marked the research of the second half of the 20th century. . Influential personalities are A. Coker, A. Gürman. They have maintained a link with tradition, through the art of calligraphy, N. Okyay and H. Aytac, transmitted to the younger A. Alpaslan and H. Çelebi. K. Önsoy works in the field of material-gestural experiences; A. Öktem, E. Aksel, S. Kiraz are linked to conceptual researches, while M. Morova expresses himself through painting, collage and installation. H. Tenger creates committed installations, involved in contemporary reality; E. Ersen creates complex works, including photography, video, installation and action. He works in the field of video art Ö. Ali Kazma. In the use of advanced technologies and net art we remember G. Incirlioğlu, architect and photographer;, an acronym born in 2000 as an Internet initiative, uses the world wide web for artistic projects, and is open to anonymous external contributions.

In architecture, the opening to modernism and avant-garde languages, also initiated by the presence of R. D’Aronco in İstanbul, was accentuated with the Turkish Republic through the activity of architects such as C. Holzmeister, H. Poelzig, B. Taut, P. Bonatz. Among the Turkish architects active at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, SH Eldem emerges who, despite being influenced by Western ways, felt the need for a national language. Of the following generations we remember Turkey Cansever and B. Cinici, while among the younger ones we can distinguish H. Tumertekin and Studio GAD.


Turkish musical theory is based on an articulated scale in a profoundly different way from the European one, which identifies within 24 sounds (derived from the 24 keys of the main Turkish instrument, a lute called tanbur) and distinguishes a hundred modes on this basis. Cultured secular music is closely linked to the Arab tradition. Sacred music is divided into three basic genres: Ilahi, the hymns for the various months of the Muslim year, Tevchic (praises of the Prophet), Ayni Cherif, repertoire of dervishes. A singular aspect of the relationship between Turkish and European music is the popularity it had in Europe towards the end of the 18th century. the music of the Janissaries (the bodyguards of the sultans), with its characteristic percussion instruments (triangles, drums, cymbals): called Turkish, was the object of imitation or at least of allusion by numerous composers, including WA Mozart and L. van Beethoven. The creation of a Turkish national school is mainly due to a series of composers born in the first decade of the 20th century. and mainly trained in Paris and Vienna, such as DR Rey, UD Erkin, AA Saygun, NK Akses, F. Alnar. More recently, N. Kodalli, F. Tüzün, I. Baran, M. Su. A national conservatory was founded in İstanbul in 1915, which was later joined by some major musical institutions such as the İstanbul Municipal Theater and the Ankara State Theater.

Turkey MUSIC

Norway History – from 1536 to 1814

Norway History – from 1536 to 1814

In the period from 1536 to 1814 the modern state was built in Norway. Little by little the king transformed the feudal government into a royal administration, imposing on the feudatars conditions that were advantageous for the state; many small fiefdoms were reunited into large feudal dominions (later administrative districts), and free fiefdoms were transformed into fiefdoms that had to pay taxes and duties or had to make accounts. With the establishment of the hereditary monarchy, the transformation found its absolute fulfillment in Denmark and Norway, in 1660. The fiefdoms were transformed into provinces, amter, and the feudal lords became prefects (amtmenn) with a fixed salary, without military authority in the districts. The council of the Danish kingdom, which, since 1536, had also been involved in Norwegian affairs, was dissolved: the king had only powerful cabinet ministers around him, exercising absolute power himself. With the Reformation, all the ecclesiastical properties were confiscated by the crown, what served to give the state that secure economic basis which it had previously lacked; during the sec. XVII, and partly also during the XVIII, that enormous quantity of assets ended up by means of sales in the hands of private individuals and procured liquid capital for the state. At the same time ordinary state revenues increased with a series of new taxes, and customs revenues increased with ever-increasing trade. The power of the state became much greater and extended more and more into new fields. The reconstituted state defended itself externally with a strong army and a strong fleet, formed by the recruitment of peasants and citizens belonging to the lower classes, and maintained with the revenues of the kingdom.

According to topschoolsintheusa, the central administration, collegially ordered, was common to Denmark and Norway, since the admitted principle of the government was that the two kingdoms should form a unitary state, and be governed as such. The Norwegian crown council disappeared in 1536 without being formally dissolved and without any Norwegians taking a seat in the Danish one. After 1660 the colleges of government became common to both states and so did the Supreme Court, the university, the bank of issue and all the other state institutions that were gradually established. The highest officials in Norway were as a rule Danish and generally the body of officials in Norway consisted of a large number of Danes, while numerous Norwegians held offices in Denmark. The highest official in Norway from 1572 was a governor (statholder) Danish, although generally with little personal authority. When communications between Norway and Denmark were interrupted in wartime, temporary Norwegian governmental bodies were established, as Norway was always regarded as a constituted unit, a kingdom. When war broke out in 1807, Norway had its own Governing Commission, and a number of other central Norwegian bodies. All were liquidated during 1810, but as the situation became critical again in 1813, the governor Prince Christian Federico was conferred personal power of government.

Also in this period of the 16th-18th centuries, the Norwegian national economy was rebuilt on a new base and had a great development. The woods were better exploited with the use of the hydraulic saw (circa 1520) and the export of timber became a major source of Norwegian income. A series of mines and iron foundries were opened from the beginning of the century. XVI, of silver and copper from about 1620 (Kongsberg, Røros). With the use of new tools, deep sea fishing brought rich profits. Cultivation of the land also progressed, albeit more slowly. The cultivation system remained almost the same, with extensive cultivation, despite the introduction of new plants (the potato from about 1750, herbs and fruit), but the colonization of new lands increased, especially following the

The population in 1570 was about 400,000, about 730,000 in 1769, about 900,000 in 1801. The development of new industries and trade considerably increased internal and foreign exchanges. Norwegian shipping was reorganized so that ships flying the national flag first became masters of the ever-increasing national imports and exports (1600-1750) and later that they were also used on a large scale for maritime traffic between foreign nations. From 1793 to 1807 Norway enjoyed extraordinary prosperity. Most of the new economy was based on the concentration of capital, and the bourgeois of the cities made the greatest profit. Cities and bourgeois were favored by the authorities of the state with privileges and monopolies. All commercial legislation until 1770 was marked by mercantilism, until the liberal idea slowly began to make its way. A noticeable change in economic policy is signaled by the customs laws of 1796.

After 1660 the nobility ceases to exist, and the bourgeoisie rises to domination as a result of its wealth and its relations with foreign countries. The bourgeoisie represented European culture in Norway, and most of the officials came from the bourgeoisie. The peasants were greatly exploited: they were forced, for example, to lend their work in the mines at a wage imposed by the government; moreover, the freedom of industry and commerce was in many ways restricted in favor of the cities and the bourgeoisie. Many peasants, being indebted to the bourgeois, found themselves in a state of dependence. Nevertheless, the peasants in Norway enjoyed much greater freedom in comparison with the bourgeoisie and officials than in any other country, since for the most part they owned the farms they cultivated.

The relatively secure economic position of the peasants gave them a need for independence which later constituted a force in the country’s history. This period also marks great progress for the farmers of Norway.

As the Norwegians gained greater wealth and independence, discontent grew over Norway’s subordinate position vis-à-vis Denmark. The bourgeoisie, in which the national movement had its strongest roots, demanded for Norway its own colleges of government, its own university, its own bank of issue, its own fleet; the peasants asked for Norwegian officials who knew the conditions of the country. There was also an economic contrast between Denmark and Norway, since Norway’s foreign trade was essentially linked to England, while that of Denmark to Germany, France and North America.

In 1807 this contrast, fatal to Norwegian trade, gave rise to the need for a separate Norwegian foreign policy.

The government resisted Norwegian aspirations, thinking they were against the unitary state. However, a series of restrictions on industries and trade was lifted, the Danish monopoly on the import of wheat in southern Norway was lifted; Norway finally had a university (Cristiania, 1811), but, all in all, the government continued the unitary policy until 1814. A real action against this policy, with the aim of bringing about the end of the union, was taken after the 1807 under the leadership of Count Herman Wedel Jalsberg. The government, to reconcile the Norwegians, made a generally milder tax policy for the people than was the one followed in Denmark. Especially after 1770 the taxes were generally not very burdensome in comparison with the possibilities of payment.

Norway History - from 1536 to 1814

Egypt Between 1950s and 1970’s

Egypt Between 1950s and 1970’s

The 1950s had seen the affirmation of the figure, work and myth of ‛Aled en-Nāṣer, champion of an Egyptian-led pan-Arabism. The victory in the Suez crisis of 1956, due to Soviet and American support, the union with Syria in 1958 and that (which remained nominal) with Yemen, seemed to spur the steps towards the formation of the United Arab States under the leadership of the prestigious leader Egyptian. But the following decade must have reserved for him and his country painful developments. Already in 1961 the United Arab Republic ceased to exist, except in a meticulous survival of nomenclature, due to Syrian secession. Neither the active further intervention of Egypt in the internal affairs of Syria and ‛Irāq, still relying on the Nasserian myth, he managed to bring together the many times longed for unity. Even more negative was the Egyptian armed intervention in Yemen (starting from 1962), in support of the republican revolution of as-Sallāl, which had risen against the Zaydite imamate: the long, exhausting Followitan guerrillas, saw the monarchist faction still resist long, and eventually yielding the field to the Republicans, without this entailing any significant gain, of direct influence and prestige, for Egypt,

But the major card of Nasserian politics continued to be played against Israel throughout the decade, stirring up the religious and national sentiment of the whole Arab world towards the enemy intruder.

The crisis of the spring of 1967 (six-day war, June 5-10), perhaps not entirely wanted and orchestrated by the Egyptian dictator, nevertheless had a disastrous outcome for Egypt and for the prestige of its leader, who with the closure of the Gulf of ‘Aqaba and the forced withdrawal of the United Nations forces from the Gaza Strip had given Israel the justification for the lightning-fast pre-emptive attack. For Egypt 1996, please check

Faced with the disaster of the loss of Sinai and the near-annihilation of the Egyptian armed forces, Nāṣer first resigned, but then agreed to remain in the direction of the state, concentrating in his hands the office of President of the Republic, President of the Council and Secretary General of the ‘Arab Socialist Union (the single Egyptian party). Upon his sudden death (September 1970), Egypt he was under the material and moral weight of a military defeat, economically exhausted despite Soviet aid, and subjected to a harsh police regime. The convulsive and impulsive work of ‘Aled en-Nāṣer, although animated by an idealistic selflessness, had failed.

The successor of the late dictator, Anwar as-Sādāt, immediately showed, even in formal homage and in the alleged continuity with the aims of war and peace of his predecessor, a much greater flexibility and political prudence. Internally, cautious liberalization gave the country some respite. In foreign policy, the political and technical support of the Soviet Union was resolutely balanced by the jealous reaffirmation of Egyptian sovereignty, arriving (1971) at the request for a recall of all Russian military and technical advisers. At the same time, the claim to leadership diminished Egypt on the rest of the Arab world, and proposals for further unions and mergers were thwarted, such as that of the dynamic Gaddafī for a union between Libya and Egypt. But the Palestinian problem weighed heavily on the internal life of Egypt as on the other neighboring Arab states. And in the autumn of 1973, in agreement with Syria, the solution of arms was once again attempted.

The “Kippūr War”, with the double surprise attack of the two Arab countries against Israel, finally gave Egypt, rearmed by the Soviets but also prepared spiritually for the test, the possibility of erasing the painful memories of 1967, and of achieving some successes in a partial recovery of the Sinai, of considerable importance, rather than strategic, political and moral. Although the Israeli counter-offensive had brought the enemy to real Egyptian soil on this side of the Canal, breaking the myth of Israel’s invincibility had a strengthening effect on the country, and allowed Sādāt to subsequently welcome, under pressure and the United Nations, the armistice and then the disengagement on the Sinai, a prelude to peace negotiations. The just convened Geneva conference stopped in the bud, but the truce of arms on the Canal and on the Sinai stabilized allowing the development of tenacious diplomatic action. The repeated trips of the American Secretary of State Kissinger to the Near East established and sealed a climate of personal trust and friendship between him and Sādāt, which culminated in the re-establishment of formal diplomatic relations between the two countries. From the absolute intransigence of Nāṣer, Egypt thus passed, on the Palestinian problem, to a possibility no less than that previously contested against Jordan, and which favorable circumstances could further advance. In 1975, in fact, Sādāt reopened the Suez Canal; at the end of 1976, in close collaboration with Syria, he confirmed solidarity with Syria’s action in the Lebanese crisis, and the readiness for a global negotiated solution to the Palestinian problem. While the tension with Libya worsened, the coincidence of views with the USA was reiterated through a visit by Foreign Minister I. Fahmi to Washington (September 1977). A month later, economic policy and international relations considerations suggested a government reshuffle: after the resignation of the Ministers of Planning and Industry, an agreement was signed with Ford and confirmed the refusal to repay credits to the USSR. Finally, direct relations were established with Israel: Sādāt’s sensational visit to Tel Aviv (November 1977), harshly criticized by other Arab states, expressed the remarkable openness of current Egyptian politics.

Egypt Between 1950s and 1970's

Brazil Economic and Financial Policy

Brazil Economic and Financial Policy

Like Argentina, the Brazil experienced a period of serious difficulties at the turn of the millennium. However, thanks to adequate economic policy interventions, he managed to quickly regain the confidence of domestic and foreign investors.

The Brazilian economy was strongly conditioned by the financial crisis that hit international markets starting from the second half of 1997. In 1999the country denounced a particular vulnerability of the external accounts, due to the huge accumulated public debt and the overvaluation of the real. To cope with a situation that had become unsustainable, the government decreed the exit of the national currency from the fixed exchange rate system, so that in the first months of the year it experienced a strong depreciation; at the same time it gave rise to a fiscal tightening, in order to contain the deficit and stabilize the incidence of public debt on GDP. In particular, measures were launched aimed at increasing tax collection – above all thanks to the reform of the social security system and the taxation of financial transactions – and to contain expenditure relating to defense and infrastructure. All central and local government bodies were involved in the tax reform, and urged to implement a more responsible management of public resources. Furthermore, in order to promote the expansion and competitiveness of the banking system, taxes on credit transactions were reduced. In 2000 the economy registered an expansion of consumption, ensured by the increase in national income, by the expansion of credit and by a climate of widespread optimism among national and international investors. The tight control of public spending was accompanied by a monetary policy focused on reducing inflationary pressure, while the privatization of public banks and electricity distribution companies continued. However, the exposure of the economic system to short-term financing from abroad remained worrying, with potential threats to market stability. In 2001 the macroeconomic situation deteriorated again. In particular, the year was marked by a serious energy crisis, determined by adverse weather conditions but also by the absence of adequate investments in the sector during the nineties. The authorities were forced to ration electricity, with inevitable consequences on the level of production. Furthermore, the climate of uncertainty on international markets (due to the 11 September in the United States and the Argentine recession) contributed to the reduction of exports. To contain inflationary pressure and put a stop to the financial problems of the balance of payments, the government adopted a series of restrictive monetary policy measures. Interest rates were kept high, bank reserves were raised, liquidity was tightly controlled. On the foreign exchange market, the real came under severe pressure which helped to reduce its value against other currencies. This situation of uncertainty continued throughout 2002. The worsening of expectations of foreign investors led to a contraction in the inflow of direct investments and renewed pressures on the foreign exchange market. For Brazil 2010, please check

Public debt, financed mostly by dollar bonds, was now out of government control, while inflation rose to 8.4 %. The authorities did not change the exchange rate policy, and promoted the regulation of foreign currency transactions on the financial markets; on the fiscal front, in agreement with pension funds and other operators involved in income taxation, they introduced a series of taxes: on oil, on the sale of public debt securities, on concessions to exploit natural resources. The greater financial resources of the state were used above all in the social security and health sectors, for the reduction of poverty and for the strengthening of the road system.

The new administration, which took office in January 2003, immediately showed itself in favor of fiscal responsibility and the containment of inflation, and launched reforms aimed at reducing the burden of social security and keeping the tax burden high; it also engaged in reform campaigns aimed at making the financial market more accessible to the less well-off population, simplifying the procedures for opening bank accounts and extending micro-credit. For its part, the central bank ensured control of the monetary aggregates, and in the first part of the year raised the interest rate; the appreciation of the real that occurred in the remainder of 2003 and 2004 offset some of the depreciation that occurred in 2002. During 2003, the economy regained the confidence of international operators. The growth forecasts gave good hope to the government, which from the first months of 2004 undertook numerous initiatives aimed at modernizing the country, such as the reduction of the cost of capital, the simplification of the rules for the opening of new entrepreneurial activities, the ” insertion of insurance and credit instruments to favor agriculture, the modification of the regulations for the start-up of infrastructure projects, the launch of a new law on technological innovation, the promotion of foreign trade. These interventions, accompanied by an external environment favorable to the development of the market, contributed to the achievement in 2004 of numerous economic successes, such as the containment of inflationary pressure (ensured by a prudent monetary policy), the gradual consolidation of public finances (aimed at greater sustainability of the state debt) and the surplus of the current account balance.

Brazil Economic and Financial Policy

Argentina Between 1958 and 1975

Argentina Between 1958 and 1975

Frondizi revealed an extraordinary political ability juggling from 1958 to 1962 among the pitfalls coming from all sides: from the military, divided between coup leaders who wanted power and legalists in favor of government constitutionality; by the Peronists and the Communists, who attacked its economic policy and the lack of social reforms; by entrepreneurs, unhappy with credit restrictions; from his own party Unión Cívica Radical Intransigente(UCRI), which accused him of not keeping to the electoral platform based on the planned state economy. Frondizi made every effort to restore the national economy through a policy of severe austerity and obstinate search for balance. In March 1961, after much hesitation, he returned control of the General Confederation of Workers (CGT) to the unions, in fulfillment of a specific commitment, and in the following April he dismissed his Finance Minister (in office since 1958) Alvaro Carlos Alsogaray, a well-known economist and tenacious advocate of private initiative. It also reinstated the many privileges that had been taken away from the Church by Perón, incurring criticism from the Peronists and the left. Abroad, especially in the USA, Frondizi’s policy met with broad consensus, concretized in loans, capital investments, credits. The Alliance for Progress and the International Monetary Fund worked to support his attempt to balance the state budget and to tackle inflation. Regarding the oil policy, Frondizi, despite having advocated a nationalistic policy in the past, believed that it was necessary to abandon the monopoly and concluded agreements with North American, English and Dutch companies for greater exploitation of the product in the north and south of the country (Patagonia) and in the Comodoro Rivadavia area; massive oil and gas pipelines were also built. Production in the space of a few years was more than doubled and the control of the market remained with the YPF (Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales), which reserved the right to purchase all the product obtained from foreign companies.

However, at the end of 1961, the economic crisis always appeared acute: the heavy deficit in the trade balance was justified by citing the poor wheat harvest, which had reduced exports, and the increase in imports of raw materials as well as machinery for the industrial increase. 1962 recorded two important events that marked the destiny of Frondizi. The first concerned the expulsion of Cuba from the Organization of American States (decided by the Punta del Este conference on January 22-31). The author, together with five other nations, abstained from voting the resolution against Cuba; but the attitude of the Argentine delegation, in favor of a compromise solution, displeased left-wing extremists and the military for opposite reasons, who demanded and obtained the dismissal of the foreign minister and the severance of relations with Havana. The second event concerned theFrente justicialista readmitted into the political arena after seven years of hiding: in the regional elections of March 1962 the Peronists obtained a surprising victory, collecting 35% of the total votes and nine governorates out of fourteen provinces.

The military rose up and forced Frondizi to block the way to power for the Peronists, while the unions promoted a general strike. For many days the Argentina was in chaos. Frondizi, pressed from all sides, refused to adhere to the demands of the military; but a coup d’etat (March 29) dragged him from the presidential palace into exile on the islet of Martín García. He was replaced by the President of the Senate José Maria Guido who from 30 March 1962 to 12 October 1963 governed the country supported by the military who had promoted the coup. The cancellation of the March elections and the dissolution of the congress provoked the intervention of the military legalistaswho, under the orders of gen. Juan Carlos Onganía, seized power (21 September 1962), however, promising free elections for the middle of 1963. The president Guido, who remained in office, fought against Peronism which tried to organize itself, first as a party of Unión popular and then as Frente national popular, coalition of parties of various tendencies. The government, convinced that Perón had been leading his movement since his exile in Madrid, waiting for more propitious times, then issued a decree that invalidated the votes of any party formed by Peronists. They responded by voting blank ballots in the July 7, 1963 elections, which turned out to be devoid of any real meaning.

Arturo Illía was elected candidate of the Unión cívica radical del pueblo (UCRP). The new president canceled contracts with oil companies and refused credits from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. The national economy deteriorated but was momentarily supported by two exceptional wheat harvests in 1964 and 1965. Illía tried to curry favor with the Peronists, her tenacious opponents, by allowing the Unión popularparticipated in the congressional elections of 1965. The Peronists won 37% of the votes and won again in subsequent administrative and provincial elections, establishing themselves as the most powerful Argentine party. The military, considering Illía politically inept, decided to intervene and replaced him (June 28, 1966) with General Juán Carlos Onganía, who dissolved parliament, abolished political parties and replaced judges and governors. The powerful CGT split into two sections: the Orthodox Peronists and the Neo-Peronists, further to the left. The new government decreed the end of autonomy in the universities accused of welcoming Communists and Jews and closed 1,500 cooperatives founded by Jews, thus lending its side to the accusation of anti-Semitism. The politics of Onganía alienated him from the sympathies of the Church, of the intellectuals, students and trade unions but did not displease the high finance circles and foreign donors. In essence, the Onganía regime, which often resorted to violence, had many similarities with nationalist dictatorships. In 1969 the opposition to the government widened and turned into open hostility, with the formation of armed groups ready to resist government impositions. Thus developed the phenomenon of urban guerrilla based on coups, kidnappings, attacks. The unrest and terrorism, particularly in Buenos Aires and Córdoba, culminated in the assassination of the Peronist leader Augusto Vandor and of the former president gen. Aramburu. Onganía accentuated the authoritarian style of his government, but another military coup overthrew him (June 8, 1970), replacing him with gen. Levingston, who, however, unable to cope with the chaotic situation aggravated by the continuous strikes, he soon resigned and was replaced by gen. Alejandro Lanusse (March 25, 1971).

The inability of the military to resolve the nation’s political and economic problems played in favor of Peronism, of which the people remembered the social merits. From Madrid, the old dictator, who retained his prestige, maintained contact with the exponents of the various Argentine parties striving to unify his movement. A message to the nation (September 17, 1971) from President Lanusse announced general elections for March 10, 1973 and the consequent return of the country to constitutional normality. But that date marked the resounding electoral success of Peronism (half of the votes) which presented as candidate Hector Cámpora, most faithful lieutenant of Perón. The election campaign took place under the slogan “Cámpora in the presidency, Perón in power”. The return of Peronism, besides demonstrating the ineptitude of the military classes, it represented the disorientation of the masses in the face of the proliferation of political parties, divided into various tendencies. Nor should economic reasons be overlooked: inflation, the high cost of living, rationing of meat, rebellions and coups d’etat, which remained at the stage of intentions, without penetrating so deeply as to bring about any social change. For Argentina 2008, please check

The elections were preceded by a long period of unrest unmatched in Argentine history. The killers of gen. Sánchez, head of the Rosario repression, and Oberdan Sallustro, director of Argentine Fiat. The real state of war between terrorism and police forces also played in favor of Perón on whom hopes for a national pacification were now placed. A month after his inauguration (25 May) Cámpora went to Spain, from which he returned to Argentina together with Perón (20 June) which thus concluded his long exile. On July 13, 1973, the new president resigned, giving way to Perón, confirmed as president by a triumphal popular consultation. Perón’s young wife, Maria Estela Martínez, was appointed to the vice presidency of the republic. that in case of impediment of the elected president (he was approaching 78 years), he would have guaranteed the permanence in power of Peronism, from which the miracle of reviving a ruined and passion-torn country was expected. The singular event, defined as a “consensual coup”, had the approval of the military and the political opposition, sanctioning an existing state of affairs. On 1 July 1974 Juán Domingo Perón died suddenly and the supreme office of the state was assumed, as expected, by the vice president Maria Estela Martínez, Isabelita for the Argentines, who confirmed the Minister of Social Welfare and his personal advisor José as Secretary to the Presidency. López Rega, belonging to the conservative wing of the party and disliked by young Peronists. Two months after Perón’s disappearance, the split within the justice movement deepened, threatening to plunge the country into chaos. The “montoneros” guerrillas (left-wing organization that had contributed to the return of Perón) declared, on September 7, 1974, to resume the armed struggle against the government of Isabelita Martínez, accused of siding with the right-wing currents. By contrast, far-right teams named AAA (Acción Anticomunista Argentina) provoked bloody reprisals. Hundreds of people were murdered including (September 27) the former rector of the University, Silvio Frondizi, brother of the former president Arturo, and the Chilean general Carlos Prats (September 30), who took refuge in Argentina after the tragic end of Allende. On November 6, following the wave of violence, the government decreed a state of siege.

The first electoral consultations that took place after Perón’s death in the province of Misiones (April 14, 1975) were resolved with the success of the government coalition made up of Orthodox Peronists and followers of the former president Frandizi (45.87% of the votes), followed by the radical center party led by Ricardo Balbín (38.73%). This seemed to confirm a certain solidity of the regime, supported by the moderate right: the armed forces, the Church, the agrarians, without the opposition of the trade unions who saw all their requests accepted by the new president. In March 1976, however, President I. Perón was dismissed and General Videla assumed the presidency of the Republic. The new government is mainly made up of military personnel.

Argentina Between 1958 and 1975

Spain – The New Leader

Spain – The New Leader

All that remains is to draw a summary profile of the new socialist leader. Born in Valladolid in 1960 and raised in the bosom of a family of socialist traditions (one of his grandparents, a soldier, was shot by Franco’s troops), José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero appears as a man as mild and gentle in his features as he is determined in the defense of principles he believes in. Elected as a deputy at the age of twenty-six in the 1986 general elections, he was always confirmed in subsequent elections. Winning result for a handful of votes on the competitor, José Bono, on 22 July 2000 at the end of the 35th Socialist Congress, at the head of the current called Nueva vía formed by a group of young deputies intolerant of the protection of the historical leaders of Spanish socialism, Rodríguez Zapatero came directly from the party to Moncloa, without having administrative experience of any kind. From his rise to the top of the party, the only moment of difficulty was experienced in June 2003, when, after the elections won in the Autonomous Community of Madrid, the defection of some newly elected members of the PSOE led to new elections on 26 October and the reversal of the result that had been obtained a few months earlier.

In the context of European socialism, Rodríguez Zapatero appears destined to occupy a space of his own, as distant from Blair as regards the international vision and Europe, as far as French socialism as regards the role of the state. Some saw in his speeches and programs glare of the positions that the philosopher Philip Pettit of Irish politics has handed in his Republicanism (trad. It. Republicanism.

A theory of freedom and government, Milan, Feltrinelli, 2000; and. orig., 1997). Others have embroidered starting from a declaration by the same socialist leader who defined his own as a ‘libertarian socialism’. Of socialism de los ciudadanos (of citizens, or perhaps better, of citizenship) Rodríguez Zapatero also spoke on 4 July 2004, in the closing speech at the 36th Congress of the PSOE, listing the ideas that make it up with these words: “The submission of governments and men to laws and laws only, rebellion against any type of domination, respect for the diversity of identities in our country, respect for the identity of the person and his rights, a concern for coexistence on a universal level, an effective equality between men and women, people’s growing rights in public life, the duty of collective participation, culture as a public virtue, secular society, a passion for knowledge, an effort for education and, of course,the radical condemnation of violence and wars “. To this he added as civil values ​​that socialists should practice” austerity, humility, love for freedom, concern for the fate of others, commitment, honesty, generosity. “But it is premature to establish kinship and affinity for a man who has a very small past to exhibit and, barring political unforeseen events, a lot of future to be filled with content.much future to be filled with content.much future to be filled with content.

As soon as the result of the elections was known, Rodríguez Zapatero confirmed the withdrawal of Spanish troops from Iraq, and then explained the reasons face to face, together with the general lines of what his foreign policy will be, in the first meetings with European leaders and world championships on March 24, on the occasion of the funeral of the victims of the attack. But it is in the investiture speech of April 15 that the socialist leader outlined the political lines of the future administration: limited reform of the Constitution (of the Senate, of the rules governing the succession to the throne, opening access also for women, inclusion in the text constitutional mention of an explicit mention to the 17 communities, to the two autonomous cities and to the Constitution of the European Union), withdrawal of troops from Iraq, Ley de calidad educativa, interventions to reduce insecurity in the world of work, a new housing policy, increase in minimum wages and pensions, recognition of the right of transsexuals and homosexuals to marry.

In the vote of confidence on April 16 Rodríguez Zapatero obtained 183 votes: in addition to the Socialists (164), the representatives of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (8), Izquierda unida (5), Coalición canaria (3), Bloque nacionalista galego voted in favor (2) and Chunta Aragonesista (1). Convergencia i unió (10), Partido nacionalista vasco (7), Eusko Alkartasuna (1), Nafarroa bai (1) abstained, while only the popular voted against (148).

He then formed a government of sixteen ministers, half of them women. Two vice-presidents: the minister to the presidency and spokesman for the government, María Teresa Fernández de la Vega and that of the economy and finance, Pedro Solbes. A brief examination of the team allows us to establish some characteristics. The average age is 50, Solbes being the oldest (62) and Juan Fernando López Aguilar, Minister of Justice, the youngest (43). As far as training is concerned, all, with one exception, come from legal or economic studies and several can boast studies in both fields. Some come from the second tier of university teaching, much more from the administration of the state or autonomous communities, others from previous political positions at national and international level, as the Minister of Economy and Finance, Solbes, formerly in the same department in the last cabinet of Felipe González (1993-96) and later Commissioner for Economic Affairs of the European Union, or as the Foreign Minister, Miguel Ángel Moratinos, former ambassador to Israel, later special envoy of the European Union for the peace process in the Middle East. Or, finally, from regional positions such as José Bono, new Minister of Defense and continuously in the presidency of the Community of Castilla-La Mancha since 1983, for six terms always with an absolute majority. former ambassador to Israel, later special envoy of the European Union for the peace process in the Middle East. Or, finally, from regional positions such as José Bono, new Minister of Defense and continuously in the presidency of the Community of Castilla-La Mancha since 1983, for six terms always with an absolute majority. former ambassador to Israel, later special envoy of the European Union for the peace process in the Middle East. Or, finally, from regional positions such as José Bono, new Minister of Defense and continuously in the presidency of the Community of Castilla-La Mancha since 1983, for six terms always with an absolute majority.

The regional origin varies, but with some gaps, as evidence of the not excessive weight assigned to geopolitics. Without sensational ruptures, but in significant discontinuity with respect to the last socialist government, the government structure appears willing both to make use of the undisputed experience gained by some women and some men on the domestic and international level, and to bet on women and men for first time put to the test. For Spain 2013, please check

On the international level, Rodríguez Zapatero’s first steps were, as mentioned, the withdrawal of troops from Iraq, a decision passed by the Congress of Deputies on May 13, 2004, with 185 votes in favor, four abstentions and only PP votes against. (141). In the meantime, the Spanish premier had already made a trip to Morocco and met Mohamed VI on 24 April, a clear sign of the desire to reverse the wall-to-wall attitude held by Aznar towards the country on the other side of the Strait of Gibraltar. He had also manifested on the one hand the desire to get closer to France and Germany, on the other hand that of pursuing an Ibero-American policy independent of Washington. In conclusion: it is a return to the wake of democratic Spain’s foreign policy before Aznar drastically diverted its course, in the aftermath of 11 September. Also with regard to the European Constitution, the new Spanish leader has expressed the desire to overcome the difficulties posed by Aznar in its launch.

No less significant are the first steps taken internally: launch of a round of consultations with all the presidents of the Autonomous Communities, announcement that the representatives of the neighboring Autonomous Communities will be invited to the bilateral summits with France and Portugal; demanded to the EU that Catalan, Euskera and Galician languages ​​obtain the legal recognition they still lack; acceptance of the projects for reforming the Statutes of autonomy and constitutional reform (Alfonso Guerra was elected as president of the Constitutional Commission of the Congress of Deputies, also with the popular vote); start of the reform of the public means of communication starting with the appointment of a commission of essays charged with formulating the proposals to modify the statute of the RTVE, which has been in force since 1980.

Internal problems will be the decisive test for the new socialist leader, who will have to be able to face and solve the complex national question that remains unresolved on the table a quarter of a century after the entry into force of the Constitution.. For the first time since the return of democracy and the creation of the autonomous state after Franco, there is a government similar to that of Madrid in Barcelona. For their part, after the first reactions dictated by bitterness, the popular took the blow and recognized the full legitimacy of the socialist victory. For the first time after many years from Moncloa, words of relaxation and dialogue on the Basque problem have come: a willingness that Basque nationalists, moderate and radical, should not let slip.

Spain - The New Leader

The Sources of Polish Law up to the End of the 18th Century

The Sources of Polish Law up to the End of the 18th Century

The Polish law developed, up to the century. XIV, almost exclusively with a character of customary law; and although, starting from the century. XIV, the legislative activity increased significantly, customary law retained a great importance until the fall of the Polish state. This customary law is made known to us, first, from the documents, and later, from the registers of the courts. The originals of the documents have been preserved since the beginning of the century. XII, mainly in the ecclesiastical archives, as well as in the numerous collections of copies. Character of a large collection of copies of documents had the so-called Kingdom Metrics, that is to say, the registers of the royal chancellery, in which the documents issued by the sovereign were recorded; the numerous volumes of the Metric dating from the year 1447, held by the century. XVI onwards with great care. The formulas (the oldest ones are from the 15th century) do not have great importance for science in Poland. The registers of the Polish courts, kept with great care by the various courts of all kinds, were kept since the end of the century. XIV and include an immense number of volumes; they are kept, not only in the archives of Warsaw, Krakow, Poznań, Lviv, Vilna, Lublin, which are located on the territory of today’s Polish state, but also in Gdansk and Kiev. The collections of customary law were not numerous; the oldest comes from the second half of the century. XIII, and was written in German, on the territory subject to the Teutonic Order, in order to make known to the employees of the order the law in force for the Polish population, domiciled in the territories belonging to the order. Among the later collections the most important are: the Artyku ł y s ą dowe (Articles of the courts) of the century. XV (39 articles) and the Consuetudines Cracovienses (40 articles), which were sanctioned by the king in 1506. Apart from some minor earlier statutes, the Statutes of King Casimir the Greatthey were the first major legislative monument of Polish law. The date of their promulgation is not known (in ancient times it was erroneously fixed at 1347). They were promulgated by King Casimir (1333-1370) separately for Lesser and Greater Poland. Preliminary judgments and other dissolved statutes were later added to the oldest drafting of the statute for Little Poland, consisting of 59 articles, in a second draft (of 106 articles); the statute for Greater Poland consisted of 34 articles, to which another 17 articles of various juridical character were added later. In practice, during the century. XV, the two statutes in question were united in a single work; one of these redactions (of 151 articles) was printed in the year 1488, in a private collection, and later, in 1506, in an official collection of Polish laws, and, the latter version seems to have been in force until the fall of the ancient republic; this collection was considered (erroneously) as a homogeneous codification of Casimir the Great. In the century XV, the statutes were published in a fairly large number; among these the statute, published in Warta in the year 1423, which is nothing but a “short story” to the statutes of Casimir the Great, and the statute, published in Piotrków in the year 1447, are above all important. the Polish diet arose, the legislation passed for most of the subjects to it, but for some subjects it was reserved to the sovereign himself. The laws enacted by the diet bore the name of to the statutes of Casimir the Great, and the statute, published in Piotrków in the year 1447. From the day the Polish diet arose, the legislation passed for most of the matters to it, but for some matters it was reserved to the sovereign himself. The laws enacted by the diet bore the name ofconstitutions ; at the end of the diet, all the decrees issued by it were published together, in the form of a single collection. The publication of the first constitutions bears the date of the year 1493, the publication of the last ones, that of 1793. For Poland 1997, please check

In the century XVI appear the first currents aimed at codifying Polish law. In the year 1523 the codification of the judicial process was published, under the title Formula processus iudicarii (101 articles). In 1532 a commission was set up for the codification of all Polish law; the diet, however, rejected the project, carefully compiled and containing 929 articles. In the same century, the particular law of a Polish region was also codified twice, namely that of Masovia, which formed a duchy a. part, demonstrating quite different legal peculiarities; this right was codified after the incorporation of Masovia to Poland in the so-called Masovian Statutesof the years 1532 and 1540, while a large collection of customary law and 25 antecedent statutes of the Masovian dukes were included in the codification in question. In the year 1598, the law in force in the Polish region, called Royal Prussia, was also codified, albeit insufficiently; this codification bears the name of Correctura Prussiae (158 articles). The codification work in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, united with Poland since the year 1386, was more successful; during the sec. XVI the law was codified there three times, and, more precisely, in the so-called Lithuanian Statutes, the first of the year 1529 (244 articles), the second of 1566 (368 articles) and the third of 1588 (1488 articles); these statutes were based on Lithuanian and Ruthenian customary rights. In the second of them, however, a considerable influence of Polish law can already be detected, in the third this influence appears even stronger. The later works for the codification of Polish law, both partial (procedural law in 1611 and 1642) and total (project compiled in the year 1778 by Andrea Zamoyski, on behalf of the diet), did not lead to any result. Only in the year 1775 was a small (49 articles) Code of Exchange Law (together with the exchange procedure) published, based on the work of Giovanni Gotlieb Heinecius, Elementa iuris cambialis, to which the character of auxiliary law had been attributed. It should be noted that, in the year 1519, the king promulgated the Armenian Statute (134 articles), based on the ancient Armenian law and mainly on the collection of it, made in Armenia around the year 1184 by Mechitar Gosh; this right was in force for the Armenians, who settled in very large numbers in the cities of eastern Poland.

The first edition of the Polish laws, private and very insufficient, was published in Leipzig in the year 1488 and is known under the title of Syntagmata ; in 1506, Chancellor Giovanni Łaski published, on behalf of the Diet, a large collection of Polish laws, entitled Inclyti Regni Poloniae commune Privileium, which remained in use until the end of the existence of the ancient Polish state. From that time on, the constitutions issued by the diet were usually given to the press when the diet was closed. In the years 1732-1739, under the title Volumina Legum, an unofficial collection of Polish laws was published in six volumes, later completed by two other volumes, which contain the further constitutions, up to the year 1782.

From the century XVI onwards, the norms of Polish law began to be collected in the so-called Compendiums, both systematically (Przyłuski 1553, Zierakowski 1554, Palczowski 1555, Herburt 1563, Sarnicki 1594, Januszowski 1600, Trembicki 1789-1791, etc.), and alphabetically (Herburt 1570). The whole of Polish political law was compiled by the following authors: Dresner (1613), Chwałkowski (1676), Hartknoch (1678), Zalasżowski (1700-1702, also private and criminal law), G. Lengnich (1742-1756, the most complete), Skrzetuski (1782-1784). They devoted themselves especially to the process: Dresner (1601), the Czaracki (1614) who wrote in Polish, and above all, in a broader form the Zawadzki (1612), who expanded the numerous subsequent editions (up to the year 1647) and lastly, Nixdorff (1655). The compilation of private, procedural criminal law, in the last times of the existence of the ancient Polish republic, is due to the

Polish Law

Mexico Society and Human Rights

Mexico Society and Human Rights

Population and society

Mestizo country par excellence, Mexico has made this characteristic a key element of its identity. Given its large size and its marked heterogeneity, the fact remains that the Mexican population retains vast and widespread pockets of true ‘Indianness’ under the patina of mestizo homogeneity. This is to a large extent true for its more southern offshoots such as Chiapas, which remains in many ways an Indian-majority region, ethnically much more similar to neighboring Guatemala than to the rest of Mexico. This also applies to other areas of the country, from the state of Guerrero to that of Sinaloa. For Mexico society, please check

Mexico experiences important ethnic conflicts within it, which are sometimes the cause of violent uprisings, especially where they are welded to serious social marginalization, as happened in Chiapas in 1994, when the Zapatista movement rose up in arms. Overall, beyond the ethnic question, Mexican society remains furrowed by profound social and territorial inequalities, despite the economic development that has taken place in the last decade. The contraction in poverty has been largely the effect of growth, while distributional policies have been far less effective, although the fiscal measures adopted provide governments with considerable resources. Nonetheless, there have also been partial successes, as in the case of conditional assistance plans,

Finally, the peculiar Mexican religious history deserves a brief mention. Catholic devotion is particularly strong in the country and the influence of the Church in political affairs has had an exceptional historical weight. At the same time, Mexico has been the scene of violent anticlerical reactions, leading to a rigid constitutional separation between church and state. This separation created a long and solid tradition of secular statehood and prevented the existence of diplomatic relations with the Holy See until 1992. Since then, however, a constitutional amendment has allowed the Mexican state to normalize relations with the Church. Catholic and with other religious confessions.

Freedom and rights

Mexico can be included among those states that respect political and civil liberties, despite the fact that it remains a country afflicted by serious deficiencies in respect for human and civil rights.

Corruption remains a widespread scourge in economic life and in the national public administration. Social protests are frequent and often characterized in the past by violence and repression, culminating in some cases with a high number of victims, as occurred in the case of the Iguala massacre (September 2014), in which 43 students disappeared into thin air after being were stopped by the police while participating in a protest against government policies on education.

In the past, these violence have been fueled by the socio-economic backwardness of the southern regions compared to the more developed ones in the north-central and the indigenous question, which mestizo Mexico has long tended to neglect or consider a mere legacy of past.

However, the major cause of violence is linked to the proliferation of powerful cartels drugs, entrenched along the northern border (according to the Department of Justice U knows the turnover derived from drug trafficking is estimated at over 23 billion dollars a year). A phenomenon that exploded in all its vehemence in the last decade but that found a turning point in 2006 when the then president Calderón decided to tackle the drug trafficking cartels through the militarization of the territory. Since then, the murders in the northern states have grown at an exponential rate, now to the detriment of the same drug traffickers fighting each other, now to those of the defenseless civilian population. There was no shortage of victims of abuse by the security forces. In addition, a growing number of journalists and local politicians actively engaged in the fight against organized crime have paid for this commitment with their lives. According to data published annually by the Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía (I negi) in 2014 there were just under 20,000 homicides (trend down from the peak recorded in 2011). As regards disappearances and kidnappings, however, according to the Encuesta Nacional de Victimización y Percepción sobre Seguridad Publica, in 2012 (latest data available) approximately 4000 and over 105,000 were recorded respectively. As for the kidnappings, the Coordinación Nacional Antisecuestro announced in March 2015 that in the first 27 months of the Government of Peña Nieto there were 5,389 cases, with an increase of 52.7% compared to the previous 27 months (final phase of the Calderón Government). On these crimes, the judiciary has not yet shown itself effective.

Finally, directly linked to the problem of drug trafficking is also that of weapons and their free circulation in the territory, following the question of the vigilantes. These are regularized self-defense groups that the army has registered by granting them the weapons to fight the cartels in the areas most affected. The risk, however, is that such a pact without adequate control by the authorities will lead to a free circulation of weapons, allowing the formation of autonomous paramilitary cells that are difficult to manage by the state.

Mexico Society

Sweden Relief

Sweden Relief

The territory of Sweden is made up, for the most part, of the western section of the great Baltic shield (see Scandinavia), a block of primitive rocks (gneiss, granites and leptites), which, reduced to a penepian already in the Precambric period, underwent in the Tertiary there are various tectonic disturbances, accompanied by a general uplift. This was followed in the Quaternary by a complex glaciation, which gave the topography of the town its characteristic features.

Therefore, although the soil is made up for the most part of archaic rocks, which extend over almost all of Sweden from the northern border to Scania, in which the primitive rocks are covered by Mesozoic soils, the morphology varies, and according to this one can distinguish four natural regions of very different size, then subdivided into smaller regional units: Norrland, central Sweden, Småland and Scania. For Sweden 1997, please check

The Norrland is formed by three longitudinal bands, approximately parallel which, like terraces, decrease in height from the border with Norway to the Gulf of Bothnia. To the west it extends for a width of about one hundred km. a mountainous region, in which almost flat or rounded summits alternate with acute peaks with alpine characteristics; the latter where more resistant rocks emerge (gabbro). The height of these peaks, covered with ice and completely devoid of vegetation, decreases from N. to Sweden, from 2123 m. in Kebnekaise at 1589 m. in Mars Fjäll; a succession of lakes, formed as a result of morainic barriers, extends at the foot of the mountainous region, engraved by numerous valley furrows, roughly parallel to each other and all having a NO.-SE direction. The next strip, whose altitude is between 400 and 500 m., embraces a vast plateau of gneiss, granite, porphyrites and leptites, rugged by numerous hills and rounded bumps; a thick morainic mantle covers the most ancient rocks of the plateau, engraved by wide valleys that open between endless coniferous forests. The impermeability of the soil and the slight slope, hindering the rapid drainage of water, favor the formation of peat bogs which today occupy about 30% of the entire surface.

A coastal alluvial plain, which borders the archaic lands along the Gulf of Bothnia, constitutes the third band, the width of which varies from 50 to 150 km. Of recent origin – it is in fact due to postglacial uplifts – this belt represents the most populated area of ​​Norrland, both because the more fertile soil lends itself to cultivation, and because of the influence exerted by the sea.

A vast transitional region, in which the topographical elements of Norrland still recur, separates the latter from the plains of central Sweden; to NO. of this the soil, scattered with ponds and peat bogs, is covered by extensive forests; NE. on the other hand, the marine deposits of the coastal strip of Norrland continue, which also cover the ancient rocky base here. Of particular interest for its rich mineral deposits is the Bergslag, the terminal region of the Norrland plateau, interposed between the gneissic soils of Värmland and the Uppland granites, and made up of leptites containing iron minerals and also gold, silver, copper, etc..

Central Sweden, proper, is a vast flat region, whose current topographical characteristics are due to the numerous fractures and dislocations, following which vast depressed areas were formed, occupied by the large lake basins of Mälar and Hjälmar to the NE. of the Vätter in the center and of the Väner in the NW. and many smaller lakes.

The Smaland, which occupies the southern part of Sweden, is made up of a plateau of archaic rocks, engraved and dismembered by lake basins and valley furrows that radiate from the center of the plateau in every direction. This plateau is limited to the south by Scania, made up of Mesozoic soils, in which weak undulations of more ancient soils (gneiss and granite) alternate with marine deposits.

Although of very limited extension (11,303 sq km), Scania has an exceptional importance in the economic life of the country, both for the fertile plains favorable to agriculture, for the mild climate, and for the position that makes it a region transit between the rest of Sweden and the next Central European states.

Sweden Relief

Hungary Politics and History

Hungary Politics and History

Political order. – The events preceding the Second World War and the first phases of the conflict (see below) allowed Hungary, allied with Germany and Italy, to recover a large part of the lost territories, as indicated by the attached table:

The enlargement of Hungary took place from 1938 to 1941 in four phases. With the first arbitration in Vienna (November 2, 1938, Hungary obtained a strip of territory from Czechoslovakia (from 2 to 65 km wide), located along the Hungarian-Slovakian and Ruthenian border. extended over 11,927 sq. km., counted 1,041,000 residents and included the centers of Komárom (Komárno), Kassa (Košice) and Munkács (Mukačevo). occupy Sub-Carpathian Russia, but since the borders of this region had never been precisely marked, following a Hungarian-Slovak agreement (4 April 1939), a strip of Slovak territory was added to protect the Ungvár area, with a total area of ​​12. 061 sq. Km. and a population of 588,000 residents With the second Vienna arbitration (30 August 1940), Hungary regained MaramureŞ, part of Crisana and that part of eastern Transylvania including the territory of the Székely, with a predominantly Hungarian population; Hungary thus recovered, without a shot being fired, a territory of 43,104 sq km. with 2,392,000 residents Finally, in April 1941, the Hungarian troops occupied the Bačka, part of the Baranja and the territory of the Mur (on the left of the Drava); this fourth enlargement made Hungary buy 11,301 sq km. with 1,518,000 residents

The peace treaty of 10 February 1947 brought Hungary back within the limits set by the Trianon treaty, with a slight adjustment in favor of Czechoslovakia near the triple Hungarian-Austrian-Czechoslovakian border. For Hungary government and politics, please check

History – On 1 and 9 July 1937 the two Chambers approved the new law concerning the election and powers of the regent, who is authorized, under the law, to propose names for his succession and cannot be called to answer by Parliament. In the months that followed, the intensification of the propaganda and action of groups with a National Socialist tendency was remarkable: on October 18 various right-wing organizations merged into the “Hungarian National Socialist Party”; a few days later 69 National Socialists were sentenced, to various penalties, by the court of Budapest, on the charge of having organized a military uprising to establish in Hungary a totalitarian regime with a National Socialist tendency. Other arrests and convictions followed in November 1937 and February 1938.

However, despite these repressive measures, an undoubted repercussion on public opinion and on the very work of the government of these new political trends has been felt in the fact that in Hungary too, in recent times, the “Jewish question” has arisen. The very large participation of Jewish elements in the commercial and financial activity of the nation, participation due to the fact that the Hungarian nobility, that is to say the ruling class of Hungary, had disdained trade; and, moreover, the fact that, thanks to the interest loans granted to the nobles, many Jews had been able, by means of mortgages, etc., to become de facto owners of part of the same landed property, constituted the premise for the anti-Semitic reaction, which in in recent times it has developed, as has been said, very quickly and intensely. A consequence of this movement was, in April 1938, the approval of the law of “quota”: for it the participation of the Israelites in the various professions is limited to 20%.

In addition to this, the intensification of work for national defense is also noteworthy (one billion pengö was made available to the government, with the law of 9 April 1938, for this purpose); and the accentuation of state intervention in economic life (decrees of 10 April 1938).

The most decisive right-wing orientation of Hungarian political life had its final expression in the change of ministry: in the Daranyi cabinet (who had already resigned for the first time on 9 March 1938, but reconstituted the same day), on 13 May, the cabinet chaired by B. Imredy, made up of men all belonging to right-wing parties.

Finance (p. 684). – Here are the figures, in millions of pengö, of the balance sheets since 1934:

At December 31, 1937, the external debt amounted to 1.1 billion and the internal debt to 0.5 (of which 0.1 is consolidated). Thanks to the exchange control introduced in July 1931, the nominal gold value of the pengo was maintained. From 1932, however, the bank began to pay premiums on bills which at the end of 1935 were unified around 50%.

As of December 31, 1937, notes in circulation amounted to 466 million and the reserve was 84 million in gold and 59 in foreign exchange.

Hungary Politics

Australia Rains

Australia Rains

It has already been said that the salient feature of the Australian climate is its drought. The annual rainfall map shows that the only moderately rainy regions of the continent are the northern coasts and an eastern and south-eastern strip. The wettest area is the steep slope of the Atherton Plateau, where Harvey Creek averages 4180mm. of rain per year. On the west coast of Tasmania there is a rainfall of 2000-2500 mm. On the other hand, nowhere is there an annual precipitation less than 100 mm: the minimum value is found at Kanowana Station, with 106 mm., And at Oodnadatta, with 119 mm., Near Lake Eyre. A very dry area, just 200 mm., Also extends from Broken Hill to Carnarvon on the west coast. The rainy seasons are related to the movements of the pressure zones and winds. In the summer, the tropical wetland brings abundant rain to the north coast and light rains to the north-central regions. In winter, Antarctic cyclones bring moderate rainfall to the south coast but do not penetrate much inland, except in the south-east. The eastern highlands produce a lot of local rain due to the cooling of humid winds deflected upward from the mountain. There are therefore four types of precipitation: internal, except in the south-east. The eastern highlands produce a lot of local rain due to the cooling of humid winds deflected upward from the mountain. There are therefore four types of precipitation: internal, except in the south-east. The eastern highlands produce a lot of local rain due to the cooling of humid winds deflected upward from the mountain. There are therefore four types of precipitation: a) the summer rains of the northern coast; b) the winter rains of the southern coast; c) the arid or central region, which includes the low rainfall of the west coast; d) the almost uniform annual rainfall of the eastern belt. The latter region has a well-marked summer high in the north, an autumn high in Sydney and a winter high in the south. Since the main heritage of Australia is in its humid temperate regions, where it is the key to the problem of future colonization, an overview of the temperate regions, which are more than 500 mm long, may be useful. average annual rainfall. For Australia 2003, please check

Australia will always be a largely pastoral country. Now, in this regard, the total quantity of precipitation is not so important as the degree of its probability: a factor which is less easy to calculate and which has led to very different assessments on the value of Australia’s unoccupied land. This will be best illustrated by the rainfall data over the next two years. In 1904 in Barrow Creek (Northern Territory) 1010 mm fell. of rain, in 1905 only 101 mm.; in Wiluna (Western Australia) in 1900 the precipitation was 711 mm., in 1901 only 203 mm.; in Charlotte Waters (South Australia:) fell in 1908 304 mm. of rain, and less than 71 mm. the following year. The Taylor (Australian Meteorology) has constructed maps on the probability of rains, which show that the region between Onslow, Burketown and Windorah has the most unsafe rainfall, while the southern coast is the region with the least uncertain rainfall. Evaporation is very strong in the central arid region: in Boulia (Queensland) it reaches 3170 mm. per year and this value is probably maintained up to Marble Bar. The axis of the area of ​​greatest evaporation is therefore 450 km. north of the axis of the least rainfall, and this is the fact that determines the location of the deserts: in fact, while the southern border of the desert region is given approximately by the line of 200-220 mm. of rain, to the north, due to the intense evaporation, the margin is constituted approximately by the 380 mm line.

Only in south-eastern Australia does snow fall in inhabited districts. So in May 1915 about 15 cm. of snow fell in central Tasmania. The snows cover the peaks of the Australian Alps for most of the year, but generally melt completely in March or April; the same happens in the mountains of Tasmania. Snow has rarely occurred in inhabited areas of southern Queensland and New South Wales (Toowoomba at 600m, Bathurst, etc.); occasionally it falls on the Flinders Mountains and in the district of Albany (Western Australia).

Australia Rains

Portugal Painting

Portugal Painting

Painting. – Developed in Romanesque and Gothic churches, Portuguese medieval painting, as we can see from the few vestiges that have come down to us, was based on Tuscan models or those of southern Spain, interpreting them with naive coarseness. Some surviving frescoes (S. Francesco a Porto, Tribunal of Monsaraz) reveal a presence of Italian artists who testify, in the international Gothic phase, of cultural exchanges between Portugal and Italy. The activity of Antonio Fiorentino in Portugal and A. Pires d’Evora in Tuscany offers an example of artistic circulation which, during the 15th century, will polarize towards other art centers in accordance with the new economic and political relations. which then were being established. The coming in Portugal, in 1428, by J. Van Eyck, commissioned to paint the portrait of the fiancée of Duke Philip of Burgundy, he inaugurates a new cultural phase. Starting from this marriage, in fact, with the development of commercial relations with Flanders, there were considerable imports of Flemish paintings, and while Flemish painters came to work in Portugal, Portuguese painters went to study in the workshops of the Bruges masters.

Likewise, in the field of miniature, after the Romanesque works of the 12th century (Commentary on the Apocalypse and Book of the Birds of the Benedictine abbey of Lorvão), the Italianizing taste, which had imprinted on some works (Bible of the Geronymites, commissioned to the Attavanti workshop), competed with the Flemish influence during an archaic 16th century. This can be found in the famous polyptych called “of St. Vincent outside the walls), attributed to N. Gonçalves, court painter of Alfonso V. It is a set of six panels, as many as have come down to us, made in the third fourth of the 15th century, in which Flemish influences are integrated into a personalized cultural context that also admits a certain Hispanic formation and which, in a moment of modern, however empirical, definition of nationality, becomes aware of the humanistic vision of the Renaissance. There is still discussion about the meaning and social role that this work played, or should have played, in its time: a single document, both on the iconographic and on the artistic level, the polyptych, whose original composition is ignored, captures the very essence of the society in which it was produced, in a vast panoramic vision, both realistic and symbolic. With these panels, in which certain archaic aspects of the composition are offset by a vigorous originality, Portuguese art produced one of the great works of Western painting of that time. If in the previous pictorial tradition – at least in the one known to us – nothing let us foresee such a creation, not even it produced, after itself, any consequence. An isolated work, of which memory was lost and which was rediscovered by chance only at the end of the 19th century, it could not become a point of reference for later Portuguese painting. For Portugal 1997, please check

It is believed that F. Henriques and Fra Carlos are two Flemish painters who settled in Portugal in the 15th century: they would have been the main means of the influence of the Nordic schools. Alongside the current that derived from them, another is identified, headed by the Lisbon workshop of J. Afonso, whose catalog has not yet been defined. Some provincial currents should also be considered, including the one that was founded around V. Fernandes, known as “Grão Vasco”, active in Viseu, who was once considered as the “father of Portuguese primitive painting”. The Master of Sardoal, a village in the center of the country, represents a school whose works also show certain qualities of plastic vigor, according to a somewhat national taste. F. Henriques was J. Afonso’s brother-in-law: the family structure of the latter’s workshop can enlighten us on the relationships between the main artists of the next generation. G. Lopes, G. Fernandes and C. de Figueiredo were acquired siblings or grandchildren of the head school: it is through their works that a “Luso-Flemish” line develops with different accents and with varying degrees of national originality, within iconographic codes defined by the corporations. With C. Lopes, son of G. and grandson of V. Afonso, the 16th century will come to free itself from all archaism. with different accents and with varying degrees of national originality, within iconographic codes defined by the corporations. With C. Lopes, son of G. and grandson of V. Afonso, the 16th century will come to free itself from all archaism. with different accents and with varying degrees of national originality, within iconographic codes defined by the corporations. With C. Lopes, son of G. and grandson of V. Afonso, the 16th century will come to free itself from all archaism.

The mannerism that later imposed itself in Portuguese painting (D. Teixeira, S. Rodrigues) does not go beyond the morphological level and, once again, is a tributary of Flemish painting, despite the Italianizing theories of F. de Holanda, who had frequented the entourage by Michelangelo. However, the value of the portraits of King Sebastian, the mannerist ruler par excellence, painted by C. de Morais, should be emphasized. It will be precisely the portrait that will keep Portuguese painting of the 17th century at dignified levels, particularly with the work of D. Vieira, characterized by Spanish influences. For the rest, this century has produced, in addition to the still lifes with the naive grace of J. D’Obidos, a mediocre religious painting whose ideological discourse was not disturbed by the Counter-Reformation, since it already accorded by tradition to an Orthodox society.

In the sumptuous court of John V, painting never played an important role, overshadowed as it was by the Baroque decoration with azulejos panels and the talha (wood carving) gilded of the altars. Vieira Lusitano, trained in Rome, “academicus romanus”, was the only artist of value with A. Goncalves and Portugal Alexandrino, while PA Quillard, trained in the circle of Watteau, could not highlight his brilliant gifts for a short moment, destined, as it was, to die very young in Lisbon. John V therefore preferred to have French and Flemish engravers come to his court, to import the paintings for his palace-convent in Mafra from Rome, or to buy in Paris, through the Mariettes, those for his collections, which the earthquake of 1755 would have later destroyed, as destroyed the ceilings painted with the technique of trompe – l’oeil from the Tuscan V. Baccarelli (who introduced the genre in Portugal at the beginning of the 18th century) as well as the Opera Theater and the paintings, which constituted its decoration, by GC Bibiena.

Portuguese painting

Libya Politics and Defense

Libya Politics and Defense

Society, politics and rights

Gaddafi’s Libya, despite the absence of political and civil liberties, had a relatively high level of human development compared to its African neighbors. The literacy rate, for example, reached 100% among young people; the conditions of the general health services offered to the population were sufficient: according to data from the World Health Organization, 97% of the population had access to health facilities, but only 54.4% of drinking water. Infant mortality was quite low (17 per 1000 births). As for gender equality, Gaddafi had tried, at least publicly, to promote the status of women with respect to traditional culture and to discourage discrimination. In 2012 the National Transitional Congress (NTC) tried by law to reserve a quota of seats for women in the July elections, but had to give up by inserting only the obligation to alternate sex among the candidates of the proportional quota, which assigned to women a total of 80 seats. On the other hand, the situation has always been critical as regards civil and political rights. Political activity under the Gaddafi regime has always been highly controlled, freedom of assembly was allowed only to pro-government demonstrations, there were no independent trade unions and corruption was quite widespread. Post-regime Libya had initially offered encouraging data. In the elections of July 2012 a record number of 140 registered parties competed, but the political formations were more than 350. The elections produced a very heterogeneous congress from a political point of view. The electoral system allowed the election with the majority system on local constituencies of 120 independent members who therefore responded more to the community they belong to than to any party. However, the very low participation in numerical terms of the Libyan population in last votes of 2014 constituted an important indicator on the degree of disillusionment of the Libyan population towards a peaceful and democratic transition. In the new Libya, pluralism seemed to be guaranteed, as was freedom of expression: within a few months, many media, civil groups, associations and trade unions had sprung up. However, in the past two years, civil liberties and political rights have been severely constrained by threats, personal ambushes and intimidation, mostly exercised by Islamic radicals, but also by the militias that manage individual areas. The greatest danger derives from violent Salafist and jihadist groups and from the cross-vendettas of the old members of the Gaddafi regime.

Defense and security

The current chaotic situation in the country is characterized by the presence of numerous armed militias on Libyan territory. These did not disarm at the end of the 2011 conflict and currently remain the true holders of power in the country. The various national authorities that have succeeded since the fall of the regime have not been able to regain the monopoly of the use of force. The sanctions against the Gaddafi regime in March 2011 imposed an embargo on any type of armament, while the NATO intervention eliminated a large part of the regime’s land and air armed forces. For Libya defense and foreign policy, please check

After the end of the conflict there was also a rather significant flow of armaments out of the country and directed to conflict areas in Africa and the Middle East. Libya has a strong need to reconstitute its armed forces also from the point of view of means and structures. However, so far this has been prevented by the limitations still existing in the framework of the UN sanctions.Several Western countries, from the United States to Italy, to the United Kingdom, collaborated with the Libyan government during 2013-14 in the constitution and training of the police and army forces, however with modest results. The polarization in the field of security, which turned into open conflict between the two factions, has fueled a new race to arms, in an attempt to strengthen one side over the other. The international community, the Euin particular, it tried to collaborate with Libya in an attempt to strengthen the lack of border controls, which are the cause of the proliferation of trafficking in arms, people and drugs, but the effort was made in vain when Libya relapsed into a conflict between the two factions in mid-2014. On this front it should be noted that the return to Mali of dozens of Tuareg rebels who had fought alongside the pro-Gaddafi militias during the Libyan revolution and the rearmament of A qim (al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb), thanks to the Libyan regime’s arsenal, have constituted one of the causes of instability in Mali and the consequent takeover in the northern territories of Mali itself by the Islamic militias.

Since the last months of 2014, the penetration of I s in Libya has been reported by many international media. In reality, the jihadist landscape in Libya is very varied as many other Salafist-jihadist groups seem to have a sanctuary in Libya, including Aqim, Egyptian and Tunisian groups. Various avowedly jihadist formations have appeared on the Libyan scene since 2012 and have progressively strengthened with the crumbling of the Libyan state. Among these there are certainly groups that try to impose the constitution of a caliphate in Libya also through the use of force. Ansar al-Sharia Libya, responsible for the killing of the American Ambassador Christopher Stevens in September 2012, remains one of the most conspicuous military forces in the east of the country, particularly in the city of Benghazi where it is currently opposed by the military forces of Haftar, and was designated first by the US State Department, then by the United Statesas a terrorist organization. However, during 2015 the situation on the ground has become increasingly complicated due to the strengthening of all ‘related groups Is. The latter proclaimed their affiliation to the self-styled Caliphate, establishing two provinces in Tripolitania and Cyrenaica, with bases in Sirte and Derna.

Libya Defense

Indonesia Literature and Cinema

Indonesia Literature and Cinema

Literature. – In the Eighties, Indonesian literary life was characterized by a fruitful activity and by some events of primary importance. The greatest contemporary poet, Rendra (b. 1935), emphasizes the cutting character of his social criticism in the volume of verse Potret Pembangunan Dalam Puisi (“Portrait of evolution in poetry”, 1980), as well as in the recitals of his theater school, a true forge of high-level dramatic art, committed to the point that in 1980 it was forbidden to perform in public. Only in 1986 will the ban be lifted and its performances will attract large crowds.

Another distinguished poet, Sitor Situmorang (b.1923), who emigrated to Holland after his liberation (1973) from the concentration camp, where he was imprisoned for joining the Communist writers’ league in the Sukarnian era, returns to bookstores with Danau Toba (“The lake Toba”, 1981), a collection of short stories, and Angin Danau (“The wind of the lake”, 1982), in verse, both – as the titles say – inspired by the native land. Pengakuan Pariyem – Dunia Batin Seorang Wanita Jawa arouses considerable interest(“The confessions of Pariyem – The spiritual world of a Javanese”, 1981) by the young poet Linus Suryadi (b. 1951), who manages to summarize in the very singular form of a novel in rhythmic prose the essential features of the complex Javanese culture of the time current, recovering lines and narrative systems of the great didactic novels in verse of Javanese literature in the 18th and 19th centuries.

But the most important event of the Eighties – a novelty that goes beyond the literary sphere as it rises to an embarrassing political case for the state authorities – is the return of the narrator Pramoedya Ananta Toer (b.1925): long detained in a concentration camp For joining the League of Communist Writers, Toer wrote some extraordinarily happy historical novels during his captivity, which are greeted with warmth at first, but are then banned as the enormous success is interpreted as an indirect anti-government demonstration. The first of these novels, Bumi Manusia (“The land of men”, 1980) and Anak Semua Bangsa (“Son of All Nations”, 1980), are readily translated into English and Dutch. These two are followed by Jejak Langkah (“The footsteps”, 1985) and Rumak Kaca (“The glass house”, 1985), thus constituting a grandiose tetralogy carrying a great message: the degradation of human dignity under colonial tyranny. In 1985, Pramoedya also managed to publish Sang Pemula (“The initiator”), dedicated to the Javanese nobleman RM Tirto Adhi Soerjo (1875-1918), forerunner of the progressive journalists and writers of his country.

Cinema. – The first cinematographic activities began in the 1910s, sponsored by the Dutch, who held colonial power. The first feature film with an Indonesian subject is due to the pioneers G. Kruger and F. Carli, active in the documentary sector: Lutung Kasarung (“The loyal monkey”, 1926), inspired by a local legend. At the end of the 1920s, the Dutch entrepreneurs were joined by the Chinese ones: the Wong brothers, Tan Khoen Hian and Teng Chun who, in addition to being the director and producer of the first sound film (Cikenbang Rose, “The Rose of Cikenbang”, 1931), established in the 1930s as the main promoter of manufacturing on an industrial basis. For Indonesia 2002, please check

The cinema of this period is dominated by the revival of Indian and Chinese commercial trends, and by the imitation of American genres. The efforts made by A. Balink in a realistic direction appear completely counter-current who, with the collaboration of the Dutch documentary maker M. Franken, made Pareh (“Rice”) in 1934 and Terang Boelan (“Moonlight”) in 1937. singular film scripted by an indigenous (Saeroen), in which the modules and actors of the Indonesian folk theater (toneel) are used.

After a period of stagnation during the Japanese occupation (1942-45) and the war of independence (1945-49), production resumed in the early 1950s with two significant directors such as Djamaluddin Malik, owner of the Persari company, and above all Ismail. Usmar, who made his debut before the liberation with a Dutch company and founded the Perfiri company in 1950.

Kotot Sukardi, Huyung and Basuki Effendi also work alongside these authors who are protagonists of the ” rebirth ” of an authentically national cinema. From the mid-1950s a new productive crisis, which reached its peak in 1957, dragged on until the Communists left the government (1965) in a climate of ” ideological warfare ” and a boycott of non-left-aligned directors such as Djamaluddin Malik, Ismail Usmar and Asrul Sani (author, in 1961, of Pagar Kawat Berduri, “Behind the barbed wire”, whose circulation is forbidden). Bachtiar Siagian, who is able to use the camera not for mere propaganda purposes, is worth mentioning among the authors of communist culture.

From 1967 the government began to take an organic interest in national production by launching protectionist measures and creating bodies for reorganization and development (the DPFN, National Council of Film Production, in 1968; the DFN, National Council for Cinematography, in 1979). This paves the way for quality cinema represented in the 1970s and 1980s by three directors who trained in Moscow: Ami Prijono (Jakarta Jakarta, 1977; Roro Mendut, 1983), Wim Umboh (Pengantin Remaja, “Marriage between teenagers”, 1971) and Sjuman Djaja (Si Mamad, “Mother”, 1973; Opera Jakarta, 1985). Arifin C. Noer (Yuyun, Pasien Rumak Sakit Jiwa, “Yuyun, hospitalized”, 1980; Serangan Fajar, 1983) and Teguh Karya (November 1828, 1979; Ibunda, 1986) come from the Indonesian theater. While Asrul Sami is still active, new talents emerge, also largely linked to formative theatrical experiences: Franky Rorimpandey (Perawan Desa, “The girl from the village”, 1980), Ismail Subarjo (Perempuan Dalam Pasungan, “A woman in chains “, 1981), Edwat Pesta Siriat (Gadis Penakluk,” A girl who intimidates “, 1980) and finally Slamet Rahardjo, well-known actor of the Karya films (Rembulan Dan Matahari,” The sun and the moon “, 1981, and Kembang Kertas, “Paper Flowers”, 1985).

Indonesia Cinema

Lithuania Literature After 18th Century

Lithuania Literature After 18th Century

Near the end of the century. XVII the intellectual activity of the country is concentrated in Vilna, capital of the grand duchy. Here and there the idea of ​​a homeland dissolved from the old historical and cultural ties with Poland begins to make its way. Characteristic of this state of mind are the history lessons of the canon of Vilna N. Bohusz (1746-1820), in which with an indignant accent he speaks of the abandonment of a language in which echoes of the ancient common proto language are heard. – Indo-European. These appeals are echoed by the inspired poems of Antonio Strazdas (in Polish and Russian Drozdowski; 1763-1833). His song Pulkim ant keliu (Let’s kneel down) and the poems, The orphan, The blackbird ‘s song, The spring song they had a great virtue of emotion among the people who held dear this strange poet and priest of his, vagabond and friend of the derelict. In 1825 the professor of the University of Königsberg Liūdas Rėza (1777-1840) published another collection of dainos and an interesting study on Lithuanian folklore. At the same time the following stand out: the Samogitian judge Dionigi Poška-Paškevičius (1760-1831) with a series of poems; Simone Stanevičius and the poet Silvestro Valiūnas (1790-1831) who with their works mark the entry of Lithuanian literature into the great current of Romanticism. It is favored by the revival by Polish writers of historical and folkloristic studies concerning Lithuania: Teodoro Narbut (1784-1864) writes in Polish Dzieje narodu litewskiego (History of the Lithuanian people, vols. 9, Vilna 1835-41) in which for the first time the events of Lithuania up to the time of the Union of Lublin are collected with love and order. The most important of all, however, is Simone Daukantas (1793-1864), the forerunner of the revival of historical studies in Lithuania with two dense volumes written in a high style and with the work Costumes of the Ancient Lithuanians and Samogizî. Bishop Matteo Valancius (1801-1864) is the author not only of lives of saints and collections of fables and tales in an elevated and patriotic style, but also of a remarkable history of the bishopric of Samogizia. In poetry the influence of the Polish poet Adam Mickiewicz (1799-1824) looms large, who wrote some of his best verses on Lithuania which he called “his beloved homeland”, and many of the subjects of his poems, such as Pan Tadeusz and Gra ż yna., either they are taken from Lithuanian history or they describe Lithuanian environments and customs. For Lithuania 2003, please check

In the second half of the century. The period of Lithuanian newspaper printing begins in the 19th century, the first copy of which is due to Laurino Ivinskis (1811-1881) with his Matra š č iai and followed by Pričkus Kursaitis (Kurschat, 1806-1884), founder of the Keleivis, which is still published in Tilsit. In vain did the Russian reaction to the Polish-Lithuanian uprising of 1863 try to put an end to this intense awakening work by forbidding the publication of any book written in Latin script from 1864 to 1904 and ordering the closure of Lithuanian schools. In 1883 the patriot and writer Giovanni Basanavičius (1851-1927), author of about ten historical, folkloristic and archaeological volumes, founded the newspaper Au š ra (The dawn) which lays the foundations of the future Lithuanian political revival movement. Around Basanavičius is a whole host of writers such as Sliupas, Silvestravičius, Miliauskas, and others. Continuator of Basanavičius’s work and founder in Lithuania of the “populists” or Liaudininkai party is Vincenzo Kudirka (1858-1899) creator of the newspaper Varpas (The bell) and writer of short stories such as the Tiltas and the Virsininkai which are a caustic and biting caricature of the officials of the Tsarist regime in Lithuania. He also wrote the words and music of the national anthem. In the purely literary field we should remember the bishop Antonio Baranauskas (1835-1902) author of the poem The forest Anyk š čiai. The national poet Giovanni Maironis-Maciulis (1862-1932), author of poems, historical dramas and volumes of various erudition, was trained at the Baranauskas school.

Thus we enter the period of contemporary literature, which on the one hand follows the classical-romantic tradition of the previous period with more accentuated characters of modernity, such as can be found in the writer Vincas Krėvė-Mickevičius, master of the symbolic and legendary genre, with a dozen of volumes of short stories, historical dramas and legendary exhumations, in Liūdas Gira, a delicate lyric poet and playwright, in Tumas-Vaižgandas, in Antanas Smetona, in Jakĕtas-Dambrauskas, in Vaitkus, in Gustaitis, in the philosopher and playwright Guglielmo Storasta (Storost) more commonly known under the pseudonym of Vydūnas, whose plays have a national and theosophical background, in the playwright and poet Petras Vaičiunas, in the poets Mikolaitis-Putinas, Fausto Kirsa, Balys Sruoga, Kazys Binkis, in the polemicist and playwright Herbačauskas and in many others;while on the other hand there is an impulse to follow movements more generally known in the rest of Western Europe with the work of young people who try to assert themselves, but whose definitive developments and attitudes are difficult to predict.

Lithuania Literature After 18th Century

Belgium in 1939

Belgium in 1939

With the formation of the Spaak ministry (May 15, 1938), for the first time in the history of Belgium the political direction is assumed by a socialist, with a cabinet of concentration that is constituted on the platform of the renewal of the institutions, of the solution of the ethnic conflict, of equalization in the scholastic field and of the fight against unemployment and leaves only the Rexists, the Flemish nationalists and the Communists to the opposition. Concentration, however, is only at the top; deep is the split not only between the various parties making up the government majority, but within each individual party: PH Spaak’s decision to enter into regular diplomatic relations with Franco (November 29, 1938) causes confusion among the socialists, who on the other hand, Catholics fight the unemployment insurance project, already accepted at the time of the ministerial declaration, and are accused of directing by the liberals. The situation – despite the ministerial rehash of January 21, 1938 (Spaak hands over the Foreign Affairs to Janson) – is still worsening due to the sudden resurgence of the age-old Flemish question, due to the scandalous appointment of a war traitor to the recent Flemish Academy in Brussels. of 1914, Dr. Martens, already sentenced to death, and the indignation of the liberals for this appointment. All this, with the pressure of the square (Spaak is beaten by the crowd), leads to the resignation of the entire cabinet (February 9, 1939). The political direction passes to the Catholic Pierlot, with the exclusion of liberals from government; but the cabinet remains in office for just five days due to the socialist opposition to the deflationist policy of Pierlot and his finance minister Gutt. The king signs (6 March 1939) the dissolution of parliament, uncovering the crown in the letter to Pierlot accompanying the decree, and also revealing authoritarian tendencies. For Belgium 2005, please check

The elections of April 2, 1939 marked a victory for the Catholic bloc, which became the strongest party in parliament, and for the Liberals, a significant weakening of the Socialists, who would or never pass to a second party, and a crushing defeat of the Rexists, who lost all parliamentary weight. Faced with the non-participation decided by the socialist congress, the new government that Pierlot constitutes on 18 April is only Catholic and liberal: created on the platform of Leopoldian neutralism, constitutional reform and economic-financial reorganization, it disposes of considerable powers by parliamentary delegation. extended; but it suffered the repercussions of international tension and on 3 September 1939 it was transformed into a new ministry of national union with Pierlot at the presidency and Spaak at the Foreigners.

After the war broke out, despite the growing discontent of Wallonia linked by complex ties to France and the increasingly strong cracks that – on the international level – arise between the politics of the sovereign and that of the responsible cabinet, Leopold III continues to remain faithful to the conception of integral neutralism: after having launched an appeal for peace on 24 August on behalf of the states of the Oslo group and offered, four days later, in agreement with the Queen of Holland, his good offices, he reiterates, once the conflict has broken out, in a proclamation to the country neutrality (September 4) and November 7 renews the offer of mediation, in harmony with the pacifist offensive unleashed by Hitler after the victory in Poland. This position, generally approved by the press, it takes a tragically absurd turn as the alarms of imminent German invasion become more insistent; but it always remains valid, preventing the implementation of the plan decided on November 28, 1939 by the allied command, while it exacerbates the traditional antagonism between the Walloons and the Flemings, the latter in favor of the policy of I. eopoldo III.

Under the pretext of “safeguarding Belgian neutrality”, denied, in the very act that von Bülow-Schwante handed over to Spaak the note, from the massive bombings of Brussels and Antwerp, on 10 May 1940 the Wehrmacht put an end to this situation. This does not mean that the consequences of a policy conducted for years were eliminated: the king and the Belgian high command – despite the fact that on 12 May the subordination to Gamelin was accepted – set up the campaign in the sense of a pure and simple defense of the territory and emphasized the unilateral nature of the obligations of the Western powers (this against the opinion of the Pierlot cabinet, which in turn does not speak of “guarantors” but of “allies” and on 17 May sent the king a letter of protest for the withdrawal of troops in the direction of the national redoubt north of the Meuse, rather than towards the French border). Faced with German power, in Belgium also favored by the sudden collapse of Flemish units (e.g., in Nevele, on May 26).

Belgium in 1939

Austria Ordinary Rolling Roads and Waterways

Austria Ordinary Rolling Roads and Waterways

The ordinary rolling roads – excluding the country roads, the mule tracks and the paths – measured for the whole of Austria, at the end of 1924, km. 31,252, equal to km. 37.2 every 100 sq. Km. and km. 4.8 every 1000 residents These figures are quite remarkable, if one thinks of the predominantly mountainous nature of the territory and the location of the inhabited centers, almost all located on the valley floor, so the main network is arranged in large meshes along the natural directions of movement. After Vorarlberg and Salzburg, the best served provinces for ordinary communications are Lower Austria with 9.2 km. every 1000 residents and then immediately the Tyrol (5.4), in spite of its great mountain masses, Carinthia (4.8) and Styria (3.8); while Upper Austria (3.2) and Burgenland (2.9) are relatively scarce, although they also have a large part of flat land.

The first Austrian railway line was that of Semmering, inaugurated in 1854 and extended in 1857 for Graz up to Trieste. In 1867 the Brenner one was completed; in 1873 the third transversal line was built, from Bohemia to Trieste to Vienna; in 1879 the Italian line to Pontebba was inaugurated, but the longitudinal ones along the Danube were already ready, from Passau to Linz, Vienna and Presburgo, the other of the Pusteria from Fortezza to Klagenfurt to Marburg, and then the one from Wörgl in Inn valley, Bischofshofen (Salzburg), Selztal (Enns valley) and Leoben (Mur valley) to unite Tyrol with Vienna; and finally in 1884 the Arlberg railway from Innsbruck to Bregenz on Lake Constance was inaugurated. All these lines more or less followed the natural route of the carriage-free communications, but between 1905-1908 the new Tauern and Karavanke line was built, to put Linz and Bohemia in direct communication with Trieste. Today even the Austrian railway network, within the new borders, is but a set of fragments of a larger organization, created for the economy of the great empire and destined to connect its agricultural, mining and industrial regions (Bohemia, Moravia, Galicia, Hungary) with the Alpine regions, as well as the capital with Trieste. There were also international lines from west to east crossing at Vienna, which served to make this the center of communications with Eastern Europe. The new state has preserved only the westernmost trunks of this network, in a mountainous and costly operation area, and of the international lines only six sections cut by the new borders without regard to traffic needs (such as the one from Vienna to Trieste), and with the main crossing stations in foreign territory: Gmünd, Břeclav (Lundenburg) and Bratislava in Czechoslovakia, Győr (Raab) and Sopron (Ödenburg) in Hungary, Marburg and Jesenice (Assling) in Yugoslavia. The Austrian railway network was at the end of 1924, of km. 6610, i.e. 1 km. every 12.65 sq. km. and 987 residents These are notable figures in themselves, for an essentially Alpine state (km. 7.9 every 100 kmq.; Italy 6.9 km.), To which km. 399 of narrow-gauge railways and inter-provincial tramways, insufficient above all for the traffic of the Alpine provinces, where, as in the Tyrol, there are barely km. 3.7 of railway for every 100 sq. Km. surface; 5.8 km. of railways you have in Salzburg; 6.5 and 6.3 in Styria and Carinthia, pure industrial regions, while there are km. 9.3 and 11.8 in Upper and Lower Austria, flat and densely inhabited regions (783 and 650 residents per km of railway), and Burgenland, with 7.6 km. every 100 sq. km. of surface and 929 residents for every km., it represents one of the best served provinces. For Austria 2003, please check

Today the most important longitudinal lines for traffic are: the Passau-Vienna-Presburgo, section of the international communication London-Paris-Vienna-Balkan Peninsula (Passau-Vienna 5 hours); the Vienna-Leoben-Villach-Tarvisio for communications with Italy (9 am); the Vienna-Leoben-Selztal-Bischofshofen-Wörgl-Innsbruck-Arlberg-Constance, for communications with Switzerland (3 pm). The trunks of two traversal lines were then left to Austria: Břeclav (Lundenburg) – Vienna – Graz – Marburg – Trieste of the great artery from Bohemia to the Adriatic (Vienna-Trieste at 2 pm); and the other Salzburg – Schwarzach -Villacco – Jesenice (Assling) – Piedicolle-Trieste for the relations of southern Germany with the Mediterranean (Salzburg-Trieste 11 am). Of these lines are electrified today (1927) km. 161 of the Innsbruck-Bludenz section of the Arlberg railway; km. 108 of the Salzkammergut railway, from Stainach to Attnang, and km. 34 from Innsbruck to Brenner, without counting the less important lines such as the Scharnitz-Innsbruck (km. 34), the Zillertalerbahn (km. 32) and others. However, the electrification of another 350 km has already been decided. of alpine railways; these include the continuation of electrification from Bludenz to Constance, the Salzburg-Schwarzach-St. Weit-Wörgl, as well as Schwarzach-St. Weit-Spittal of the Tauern railway, that is of the railways of the western Austrian group with steep slopes and considerable traffic.

In 1924 the wagon-kilometers traveled were 800,391,000, which carried 108,702,819 people, with an average of km. 33.5 per person and 22,746,459 tons of goods; movement which is reduced by about 30% compared to that of the pre-war period, but which is rapidly gaining, although the exercise is still passive.

The waterways that remained in Austria were, at the end of 1924, km. 1732, of which 874 for the floating of timber, 838 for navigable rivers and 21 for canals, that is a total of km. 2.06 every 100 sq. Km. of surface. The maximum length of the waterways belongs to Upper and Lower Austria, which are crossed by the Danube for almost 350 km. in length, of which 200 are well navigable, the others in need of improvement, but which are crossed by passenger and cargo steamers from Passau to Presburgo. Downstream from Vienna, navigation is possible for steamboats with a capacity from 650 to 1000 tons, with draft up to 2 meters; upstream of Vienna some rocks prevent navigation for steamboats with a draft from 1.3 to 1.2 m. In 1924 270,000 tons were loaded in the Austrian ports of the Danube. of goods and 835,000 tons were unloaded, while there were 280,000 of them in transit; then there was a movement of 700,000 passengers. Of the other provinces only Carinthia has 4 km. of regular steam services, while Styria has 123 navigable towpaths, Salzburg 45 and Tyrol only 15; but Styria, Carinthia and Tyrol benefit from many alpine rivers for the floating of the timber (km. 331; 254; 142).

Austria ordinary rolling roads

Bulgaria Literature of Yesterday and Today

Bulgaria Literature of Yesterday and Today

The literature of yesterday. – With Vazov and Penčo Slavetkov, who have now acquired the right of European citizenship, Bulgarian literature is therefore already in full development. Moreover, even if no one rises to their height, the ranks of other Bulgarian writers, their contemporaries and their successors, are long, among which more than one stands out for originality and artistic value.

Aleko Konstantinov (1863-1897) gives national literature the first example of a satirical novel in his Bai Ganiu, which delightfully ridicules, through the narration of the fantastic events of a kind of Bulgarian Tartarin, naivety, ignorance and the gullibility of certain popular, rather common types. Very original is the art of Petko Todorov (1879-1916), author of some short stories, sketches and dramatic works, who, in a completely new and unusual prose, presents, in his Idylls, a series of fantastic scenes, allegories, visions, popular legends, art studies. Even satirical poetry finds a worthy representative in Stojan Mihailovski (1856-1927), whose art, although moving from the beginning, when the homeland was still enslaved, by the ideal of national redemption, gradually developed under the particular influence of Aristophanes., French satire and Krylov’s fables.

There are numerous operas. Among the best known, after the major ones already mentioned, the name of Konstantin Veličlgov (1856-1907), author of melancholic poems and sentimental lyrics (some about Italy), is particularly linked to his mediocre poetic version of Dante ‘s Inferno and to a series of Pisma ot Rim (Letters from Rome) in prose. Dimco Debelianov (1887-1916), a poet with a sensitive and painful soul, matured in the school of his Russian and French contemporaries, who died in the world war, left lyrics and elegies vibrant with sentiment and gloomy despair. Above all others, after Vazov and Penjo Slavejkov, by the unanimous judgment of the Bulgarian critics, the unfortunate poet Pĕju K. Javorov (1877-1914), troubled soul of a dreamer and idealist, tormented by the reality of life in contrast with the indefinite needs of the restless spirit, haunted by an adverse fate, which drove him to a tragic premature death.

Literary criticism has finally had authoritative representatives as well, among whom the names of K. Krăstev and Bulgaria Penev stand out individually. In the work of these writers, and of many other minors, are found expression the various literary genres hitherto established in Bulgaria. For Bulgaria 2006, please check

The literature of today. – All these writers already belong to history. But no less numerous are the representatives of Bulgarian letters also in the two generations of the living: the old and the new, in whose art a growing Western influence is noted, hand in hand with the progress of cultural relations between Bulgaria and Western Europe.

The names of Elin-Pelin (pseudonym of Dimităr Ivanov) and Jordan Jovkov emerge in the field of short stories, the first having established itself for many years as an excellent descriptor of national country life, the second revealed already before the world war through a series excellent stories that draw on Bulgarian life and customs; Dobri Nemirov, who wrote and writes novels against a background in part similar to that of the two previous writers; by Georgi Stomatov, author of good stories, mainly drawn from Bulgarian city life.

In the lyric field, the poets Nikolai Liliev, Teodor Trajanov, Ljudmil Stojanov, Emanuil P. Dimitrov, are among the best representatives of Bulgarian symbolism, which developed under French and German influences, while Kiril Hristov tackles (partly also under Italian influences) erotic themes, new to the Bulgarian letters. A place to himself can be assigned to the very fruitful Nikola Rajnov, a poet also in his prose, indeed especially in this one, which stands out for its very special rhythm, for the accurate refinement of the form, for the extraordinary wealth of similes and metaphors, where the author’s profound mysticism finds particular expression. Discreet stories from life can be found in the copious collections of TG Vlajkov by Anton Strašimirov, which have been known for many years. Good overall, especially for the fluid harmony of the verse, In the first place (The eternal and the holy) vibrate notes of high lyricism and deep feeling. Modern Expressionism has also found some followers: the best known of these is Čavdar Mutafov. Stojan Čilingirov, a very fertile polygraph, Ivan Kirilov, Damjan Kalfov, and above all Georgi Rajčev, still belong mainly to the old group of storytellers and storytellers, in which, alongside Dimităr Šišmanov, Angel Karaliičev gradually acquires notoriety among the representatives of the new generation., Vladimir Poljanov, and numerous others, on whose work, as on that of a long line of young poets (Atanas Dalčev, Dimităr Pantaleev, etc.) any judgment is still premature. In the dramatic field, despite the tenacious and continuous efforts of many writers, the most backward has remained Majstori (Mastri) by Račo Stojanov and in the comedy Golemanov by St. Kostov. But these are still attempts.

Developed over the course of a few decades, Bulgarian literature already has as a whole an artistic heritage that is anything but negligible. The intensity of production from the time of liberation to today partially compensates for the late start. Literary genres have all been more or less treated, but not all with equal intensity or with equal success. The greatest and most numerous affirmations are found in the poetic field and in the novella. There are few good novels to date. Even the dramatic attempts were mediocre or failed. As a general feature the realistic note prevails in prose writers, the sentimental lyric note in poets. The content is usually purely national and, until liberation, almost exclusively patriotic. Predominant influences on writers exercise, as has been said, on the one hand the Russian letters, well known to all, on the other the popular songs, transmitted from generation to generation. Only later and to a much lesser extent, alongside the ever prevalent Russian, some beneficial Western influence, especially French and German, is noted. On these foundations the writers of today create, in fervent competition, almost animated by the desire to recapture to the homeland letters the long centuries lost in servitude, the Bulgarian literature of tomorrow.

Bulgaria Literature of Yesterday and Today

Turkey Major Cities by Population

Turkey Major Cities by Population

In relation to the great diversity of the natural environment are the significant differences that are noted in the rural settlement. The highest areas of the interior, wooded and grassy, ​​are crossed in summer by nomadic shepherds (called Juruchi, whose number is estimated at about 200 thousand), who live in mountain farmhouses (yaya), while in winter they they gather at the bottom forming villages of tents (kï Ş lak), which gradually become fixed.

On the slopes of the hills bordering the plateau, where there are dejection cones and there is no shortage of water, Turkish horticulturists and farmers have gladly built their homes, who grow wheat, opium poppies, vegetables and live in villages. to houses side by side, built with sun-dried bricks and with a flat roof, with a terrace, generally with two floors, of which the lower is used for stable and shed, the upper for housing. In older houses, the part reserved for women (harem) is still separate from that reserved for men (selamlik) and walls block the view of the courtyards to outsiders. In the steppes, which were better suited to grazing than to cultivation when this was practiced extensively, a vast colonization by refugees from Macedonia, Bulgaria and Dobruja began a few years ago. The houses, arranged for the most part in a checkerboard pattern, are larger than among horticulturists, given the need to have stables to shelter the cattle used for the heavy work of the fields, and the roof, similar to European houses, is slightly sloping. sloping, built with tiles and reeds. The part of the steppe where rainfall is too scarce to be able to attempt cereal cultivation, is the undisputed dominion of the Kurds and Turkmen, dedicated to livestock, who live in rather large villages, located near the springs; the houses are spacious, built of stone and the roof is flat. In the warmer regions of Kurdistān, which look towards Mesopotamia, the high night temperatures push the residents to sleep in the summer on the terraces, where the beds are brought, sheltered from mosquito nets. For Turkey 1999, please check

The houses are low, often built with earth mixed with straw, or with stones of the same color as the surrounding land. In N., in the forest area, wooden houses prevail, with frequent footprints left by the Greeks. Then corresponds to our farm the çiftlik, very common in western Anatolia, which mostly consists of a large farmyard, around which are the low settlers’ houses, with 3 or 4 rooms. In 1927 a census of buildings was also carried out and 2,770,000 residential houses were counted, 89,000 buildings not intended for habitation, but inhabited, and 800,000 other buildings, with a minimum of 237 residents for 100 houses in the Bilecik vilâyet and a maximum of 723 in the Istanbul vilâyet.

Just under a quarter of the population (23.5%) lives in cities and the rest in rural municipalities. There are 403 cities in all, but only 80 have a population of over 10 thousand. and 21 over 25 thousand residents The latter are as follows:

It should be noted that only 5 cities are located on the coast: two overlook the Black Sea, two the Mediterranean and one is where Europe and Asia almost meet. Although Istanbul is no longer the state capital, it retains its economic and military importance, given its location at the intersection of land and sea routes. Among the cities of the Black Sea, Trebizond, which overlooks the sea from a rocky platform, is the outlet of a vast hinterland (partly beyond the border); Samsun is in considerable progress, after the opening of the railway that connects it to the Mediterranean; Smyrna is still intent on repairing the damage of the fire (1922) which largely destroyed it; Mersina is in a favorable position with respect to the hinterland, a short distance from Adana, market of the Cilician plain and traffic junction, but suffers from the lack of a good port. Among the centers of the interior, among which the most important is Angora (870 msm), which is losing its appearance as a market place near a fortress, to increasingly assume that of capital (from 13 November 1923), Brussa should be remembered. (180 msm), ancient capital, rich in monuments, a city where the textile industry has a long tradition, which is located between two terraces on the slopes of the Olympus of Misia and which looks from above towards a well-cultivated plain. A SE. di Brussa EskiŞehir (752 msm) is an obligatory point of passage for those who have to go from the old to the new capital. Conia (1028 msm) is in a region that constitutes a well-identified unit, so much so that it resembles an oasis, and, little damaged by the exodus of Greeks, it now benefits from the crops grown in the irrigated area of ​​Çumra. While Conia is located at the western limit of the Lycaonia plain, on the eastern side there is Caesarea (1070 masl), a short distance from Kïzïl Ïrmak, near the slopes of the Aegean, a large andesitic ulcano 3830 m high, at the foot of the which gush out of the springs which allow an intensive cultivation; instead everything around dominates the steppe. NE. there is Sïvas (1220 masl), once an isolated locality located in the upper valley of the Kïzïl Ïrmak, while now a railway section connects it to the Samsun-Cesarea line; towards the east the railway will have to reach Erzerum (2038 meters above sea level). A SE. there are numerous cities, Gazi Antep (940 masl), a large center between the Euphrates valley and the plain of Cilicia; Diyarbekir, road and caravan junction on the right bank of the Tigris; Maraş (720 msm), railway junction near the buttresses of the Antitaurus; Malatya (870 msm), a short distance from the Euphrates in the midst of intensive cultivation; Urfa (660 msm), cities all oriented towards Mesopotamia and in which Kurdish and Arab aspects prevail.

Turkey Brussa